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The Anglo-Norman Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle of Williame de Briane

Edited by I. Short
Oxford, Anglo-Norman Text Society
Genre: Chronicles
AND Bibliography: Turpin

Original work © 1973 The Anglo Norman Text Society, which has granted permission for it to be digitised, browsed and searched on this site. Any other use, including making copies of this electronic version, requires the prior written permission of the copyright holders, who may be contacted via Birkbeck College, University of London, Malet St, London WC1E 7HX, UK

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I have attempted elsewhere (Medium Ævum XXXVIII (1969), 1ff.) to summarize the present state of our knowledge concerning the intricate filiations of the manuscript tradition of the Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi. William de Briane translated from a Latin text which the large majority of its variants show to have belonged to a homogeneous subdivision of the long family of Turpin manuscripts which present a number of characteristic revisions on the Liber Sancti Jacobi text. 1 [1] This is the C family, described and its variants printed by C. Meredith-Jones, Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi ou Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin (Paris, 1936). Cf. also R. N. Walpole in Speculum XXII (1947), 260-2, and A. de Mandach, Naissance et Développement de la Chanson de Geste en Europe: vol. I La Geste de Charlemagne et de Roland (Paris-Genève, 1961), pp. 130ff. and 385-7.7 A text of this same revised tradition was used by Renaud de Boulogne's Turpin translator. The near-identity of the Latin manuscripts which served Jehan and William is revealed not only by the close similarity of the individual variants which they each translate, but also by the fact that they share an identical number of readings which can be shown to go back not to the revised version as we know it, but apparently to the earlier, unrevised text from which it derives. There is no evidence that William knew or used Jehan's French Turpin. However, more than twenty additional variants in the Anglo-Norman translation, which do not reappear in Jehan's version, betray the influence on William's source of a manuscript belonging to a short, embellished Latin family of the type which had originally been copied for Baldwin VIII of Flanders between 1171 and 1185. 2 [2] H. M. Smyser, The Pseudo-Turpin edited from Bibl. Nat. f. l. MS. 17656 (Cambridge, Mass., 1937), pp. 7-10; cf. A. de Mandach, op. cit., pp. 100ff., 371-2.7 In 1195 Baldwin bequeathed his Turpin to his sister Yolande, whose husband Hugues de Saint-Pol had it translated into French by Nicolas de Senlis. Not unnaturally, therefore, William's short family readings are also to be found in the surviving version of Nicolas's Turpin. The French texts of Nicolas and

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William share a further dozen variants which cannot this time be traced back to any of the known Latin manuscripts. Once again nothing allows us to suppose that the Anglo-Norman translator had direct access to Nicolas's French version (see Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie LXXXVI (1970), 525ff.). Since William is unlikely himself to have been responsible for haphazardly interpolating this small selection of Latin short family readings into either his Latin manuscript or his translation, it seems clear that the long family text from which he worked had, at some stage in its history, been influenced by and crossed with the source which had earlier served Nicolas de Senlis, and that this latter must also have contained variants that have not been preserved in the surviving Latin tradition.

It has been firmly established by Professor Walpole (Modern Language Notes LX (1945), 22-6) that Renaud de Boulogne's French Turpin translation crossed the Channel and was used as a source for parts of the Middle English Charlemagne romances. His Latin text not only formed the basis of the Turpin translated in Oxfordshire by William de Briane, but manuscripts of the same family were also to provide the Welsh, Irish and Icelandic translators of the Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi with their source material. It may be possible to credit Renaud himself with the original introduction of both the French and Latin texts into Britain, for between 1212 and 1213, having deserted Philippe Auguste, he took up residence at the English court. Contemporary administrative documents also record the presence at King John's court of one Johannis chaplain of Renaud Count of Boulogne, who was conceivably the same Jehan whose name is attached to Renaud's Turpin. 1 [1Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum, I 153 (anno 1213). Johannis was still in England in 1222. Other guests at the English court between 1213 and 1216 were Robert VII de Béthune and his anonymous chronicler, whose French histories both contain translations of the Pseudo-Turpin. Guillaume de Cayeux, who like Renaud was a close ally of the Plantagenets, was also a frequent visitor. As chamberlain Warin fitz Gerold would inevitably have come into contact with such figures at court.8 Eight of the eleven manuscripts of this particular Latin family are today preserved in Britain, and it must early have become a local version of the chronicle serving an Anglo-Norman readership. None of these English manuscripts predates the reign of King John, but at least two are contemporaneous with it. None can be identified precisely with Jehan's or William's

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source. There is, on the other hand, no such tangible evidence that Baldwin of Flanders's version was also circulating during this time in England, though Hugues de Saint-Pol is known to have owned estates in this country. 1 [1Pipe Roll 9 Richard I, pp. 25, 32; Rotuli Chartarum, p. 96. The presence in England of one of Hugues's clerks is recorded in 1207 (Rot. Lit. Claus., I 82, 86; cf. also 67). Not documented but highly probable is the contact between Warin fitz Gerold and Hugues de Saint-Pol in the Holy Land, where the latter was to die in March 1205. The Count of Saint-Pol owed homage to Renaud de Boulogne, his neighbour, to whom he was also related by marriage, but they quarrelled in 1197 and became bitter enemies.10 At all events, texts of these filiations came in some way to be synthesized and to constitute the two principal components of William's source Turpin. As to their original form and the place and circumstances of their recopying and cross-contamination, we can only speculate. 2 [2] Some of A. de Mandach's conjectures in this area lack the factual foundation necessary to carry conviction; see notes to the text ll. 19 and 1409 below.10 It may be assumed, however, that the textual stability which can be recognized today inside each of the extant families of Latin Turpin manuscripts is largely due to careful copying in monastic libraries. If this were the case, the hybrid nature of William de Briane's source could indicate that it belonged on the contrary to a tradition of more readily vulnerable transcriptions which had been made available for copying to a wider public, and eventually lost.

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The only MS. known to have preserved our translation is British Museum MS. Arundel 220, in which it covers ff. 284-298v. It is a quarto volume containing 329 vellum folios of 22 × 16 cms, and dates from the first third of the fourteenth century. It is essentially a collection of Latin chronicles, and includes Trivet's adaptation of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Regum Britanniæ and Pike's histories of the kings and archbishops of England. Its vernacular contents have been described by Vising and, in more detail, by Koch. 1 [1] J. Vising, Anglo-Norman Language and Literature (Oxford, 1923), nos. 297, 307, 386; J. Koch in ZrP LIV (1934), 20-56.11 At least two scribes were responsible for the copying of the MS., of whom the first transcribed the majority of the Latin texts in a formal book hand with no column division, starting with Geoffrey's Historia on the only illuminated page of the volume (f. 7) which also begins the regular twelve-leaf gatherings. He wrote in 1307 or shortly thereafter (cf. f. 93). To the second scribe, who wrote in quires of eight leaves, two columns to the page, in a cursive business hand, can be attributed not only the Anglo-Norman items, which were intercalated before and after the already existing Latin texts (cf. ff. 5v, 26v), but also a Latin account of the claims of English kings to the Scottish crown (ff. 278-282), as well as a long series of closely written marginal notes, in Latin, in the Easter table on ff. 315-328v. The latest contemporary allusion in

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the political document is of 1322 (f. 282), but space was left to continue it as a chronicle of the reign of Edward II and additions were still being made to it in 1326. The entries in the Easter table betray a considerable interest in the town of Norwich, and in particular the Cathedral Church of the Holy Trinity, the history of which is recorded with increasing detail until the notes end abruptly (f. 322) in November 1329. This and other evidence invites the conclusion that the second part of our MS. could have been copied by a monk attached to the Cathedral Priory of Norwich during the third decade of the fourteenth century. 1 [1] The copying of the MS. would fall within the period of the active restocking of the Cathedral library which followed its destruction by fire in 1272; cf. N. R. Ker in Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society I (1953), 1-28, and the same author's Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 2nd ed. (London, 1964), pp. 135-9.12 Some later additions were made to it in 1513 (f. 282v).

One explanation of how a version of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, written a century earlier by an obscure Oxfordshire priest and presumably not circulated far outside the close court society for which it was destined, came thus to find its way to East Anglia is provided by the existence of a connection between the original patron of the translation and the Despenser family. A direct descendant of Warin fitz Gerold's nephew and ward, Peter de la Mare, was under the tutelage of Hugh Despenser sometime between 1308 and 1318. 2 [2Pipe Roll 13 John, p. 168; Victoria County History: Oxford, VI 182, 184, 195. Hugh Despenser made the pilgrimage to Compostela between 1318 and 1319.12 The notorious Hugh, who was incidentally grandfather of Henry Despenser, bishop of Norwich and an active patron of Old French romans d'antiquité, 3 [3] M. D. Legge in Modern Language Review LI (1956), 227-9.12 is given considerable prominence by the second scribe of our MS. (cf. ff. 28v, 202, 321v), and it is not impossible that he could have had some rôle to play in the preservation of our text. That a copy of it passed into the possession of Peter de la Mare from his uncle and guardian Warin fitz Gerold, and thence to the Despensers, to be lent finally to the monks of Norwich, is a possibility which, however remote, deserves attention, for it was probably only by some such domestic path that William de Briane's privately translated and little known text could thus have survived the passage of time.

The next link in the chain of the history of our MS. is the description in Bishop Bale's Index Britanniæ Scriptorum of 1548 of a volume which is clearly to be identified with the present Arundel

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220. 1 [1] Ed. R. Lane Poole, Anecdota Oxoniensia; Med. and Mod. Series IX (Oxford, 1902), p. 491.13 It apparently at that time formed part of the collection of the London publisher Reyner Wulff (d. 1555), who had probably come into possession of it following the dissolution of Norwich Cathedral Priory in 1539. A note, dated 1576, at the foot of the last folio of our MS. recording the death in 1516 of Piers Beville, a prominent Cornish administrator and industrialist, is no doubt to be attributed to its subsequent owner. The volume appears next to have found its way into the collection of Lord William Howard, of Naworth (1563-1640), the last of the great English antiquaries in the tradition of Leyland and Bale, who amassed a considerable number of MSS., in particular chronicles and cartularies, during his lifetime. It passed thence to his nephew Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, Surrey and Norfolk, whose library was bequeathed to his grandson Henry Howard, 6th Duke of Norfolk. In 1678 Henry presented the Bibliotheca Norfolciana, as it was then called, to the Royal Society (cf. f. 7 of our MS.). The description of our volume in the catalogue of the Norfolk Library 2 [2] British Museum MS. Sloane 862, reproduced in E. Bernard, Catalogi Librorum Manuscriptorum Angliæ et Hiberniæ (London, 1697), II 79, entry 3112.13 shows that it contained a number of East Anglian charters which have subsequently been removed. The newly styled Arundel collection was finally transferred to the British Museum in 1831.

Folios 284-298v are written two columns to the page, each containing 33, sometimes 34 lines. Each leaf is ruled recto and verso with plummet lines guided by prickings at the extreme edges. A double outer line bounding the text forms a writing block of 13.5 × 17.5 cms, the verticals of which are continued to the foot of the page. The hand is neat, regular and upright, with generally short extruders and little space between the lines. The contrast between thick and thin strokes is visible, though not pronounced. The blue and red initials, written on two lines (with the exception of the first which stretches over four lines), are simple and adorned only by long curving shoots extending often as much as 5 cms in both directions in the vertical margins, a decoration typical of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The remaining letters of the initial words appear to have been originally underlined in gold. Paragraph divisions, effected by means of an enlarged and elongated letter C, are alternately blue and red. The

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title Historia Turpini, now discoloured, may also have been written in gold, while the reference to the Speculum Historiale at the head of the first folio and the three-line heading to the text are written in red. The remainder of the text is in a rather faded black ink, except where a change to an appreciably darker shade is visible from f. 293 l. 6. The vellum is well prepared, slightly finer and smoother here and in the other leaves used by the second scribe than elsewhere in the volume. The general impression is of a carefully written and modestly decorated MS.

The hand is that which is generally termed Gothic Minuscule Cursive, and has all the characteristics of a business hand of the early fourteenth century. 1 [1] Compare for example E. Maunde Thompson, Introduction to Greek and Latin Palaeography (Oxford, 1912), facsimile 234 (anno 1303).14 A certain conservatism on the part of the copyist may be inferred from such features as the retention of the notch on the left of the ascenders of minuscule b, h and l (less often in the case of k); the absence of a loop on the left of the descending strokes of f, p and long s, and of the rounding of the tail of q. Other scribal features worthy of note include the representation of capital F by a double minuscule, frequent in English documents from the middle of the thirteenth century; the tail of k which, when not ligatured to a following letter, is almost horizontal and sometimes ends in an ornamental flourish turned down at right angles, which closely resembles a Latin es or is abbreviation; minuscule x and y which have long, curving tails often descending into the line below are sometimes liable to confusion. Minuscule t is usually distinguished from c by its flat top extending to the left beyond the body of the letter, but in ct ligatures this distinction would naturally be lost. It was thus that to the second element of a ct group is added a short ascending stroke which rises above the common horizontal bar of the two letters, e.g. victorie f. 292. However in our MS. occis is frequently written with this ascender in the ligature, as is also occident f. 292, and even meccreauns f. 292v (usually mescreauns). Elsewhere, however, the normal ligature is used, as in accurerent f. 292, occyaunt and occysioun f. 292v, which would indicate that the irregular ct forms are due simply to a scribal idiosyncrasy. The latter have, therefore, regularly been transcribed cc in our edition. The scribe's use of capitals is inconsistent, and majuscules are often used for common nouns (ewe and cité are frequent

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examples), apparently for the purely aesthetic reason of adornment. His frequent attempts at punctuation by means of the full stop and inverted semi-colon also deserve mention. The former is regularly used to mark a final stop, but is found also in lists of towns and names. The latter seems to indicate an intermediate pause of some importance, and also acts as a modern exclamation mark (cf. Ha؛ f. 295). Occasionally a thin vertical line marks less obvious periods. The only means of deletion used is expunction. Omissions are indicated by caret signs, the frequency of which shows the scribe to have made a thorough and careful revision of his text. There are also eight interlinear corrections, in a hand identical to that of the rest of the text, in which the original readings are invariably left uncancelled. 1 [1] Ll. 359, 370, 920, 1050, 1080, 1127, 1417, 1422. See also Section 7 below.24

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The traditional conventions with regard to the resolution of abbreviations, word-division, the use of capitals, diacritic signs, punctuation, and square brackets have been observed in the present transcription. 5 [5Reconcilie 930 and esclargie 1287 are assumed from their spelling to be A.-N. forms showing the reduction of [ieə] to [iə], and accordingly carry no accent. In enpecchie 1058 the fem. concord, though not guaranteed, has also been presumed.25 This includes the regularization of the use of i, j, u and v, and the occasional expansion of w, as in new to nevu,

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to aid comprehension. Diaeresis, on the other hand, has been dispensed with. Furthermore, with the aim of facilitating comparison, chapter-divisions follow those not of the scribe, which are capricious, but of the printed Latin text. The presence of the scribe's chapter-initials is nevertheless indicated in our edition by the use of bold type. 1 [1] Excluding the Epistola Turpini the translation is divided into 34 chapters (not 33 pace Ward, Catalogue of Romances, I 591). A. de Mandach in his edition overlooks four chapter initials.26 Division into paragraphs has also been introduced independently of that of the MS., which is again erratic.

No attempt has been made to regularize spelling, and no emendation of a purely grammatical nature is offered. MS. readings have been rejected only in cases where the process of scribal transmission is clearly responsible for corrupt or incomprehensible forms, all of which appear in footnotes accompanied, where appropriate, by an explanatory note following the text. The scribe's own corrections of omissions are likewise indicated in footnotes, where those letters or words which he has added to the text by caret sign are italicized. Interlinear corrections have been transcribed into the body of the text, with the original and uncancelled reading relegated to the foot of the page and noted.

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A full bibliography of material relative to the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle is to be found in A. de Mandach's La Geste de Charlemagne et de Roland. For earlier work on the subject, the bibliography to C. Meredith-Jones's edition of the Latin texts is also particularly thorough. The following titles are those which have a special bearing on the Anglo-Norman version, but include also some more general studies on the Latin tradition. Standard works of reference and books and articles referring to specific points of detail have not been listed here.

T. Auracher, Die sogenannte poitevinische Übersetzung des Pseudo-Turpin, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie I (1877), 259-336.

P. David, Études sur le Livre de saint Jacques attribué au pape Calixte II, Bulletin des Études Portugaises X (1946), 1-41; XI (1947) 113-85; XII (1948), 70-223; XIII (1949), 52-104.

A. Hämel, Überlieferung und Bedeutung des Liber Sancti Jacobi und des Pseudo-Turpin, Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften: Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1950 Heft II, pp. 1-75.

– Der Pseudo-Turpin von Compostela, Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften: Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1965 Heft I, pp. 1-105 [hrsg. von A. de Mandach].

J. Koch, Anglonormannische Texte im Ms Arundel 220 des British Museums, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie LIV (1934), 20-56.

A. de Mandach, Naissance et Développement de la Chanson de Geste en Europe: vol. I La Geste de Charlemagne et de Roland, Publications romanes et françaises, LXIX (Paris-Gèneve, 1961).

Naissance et Développement de la Chanson de Geste en Europe: vol. II Chronique de Turpin: Texte anglo-normand inédit de Willem de Briane, Publications romanes et françaises, LXXVII (Genève, 1963).

Chronique dite Saintongeaise: Texte franco-occitan inédi Lee, Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, CXX (Tübingen, 1970)

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C. Meredith-Jones, Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi ou Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin (Paris, 1936).

J. A. Noonan, An Anglo-Norman version of the Pseudo-Turpin, Studies . . . presented to M. K. Pope (Manchester, 1939), pp. 247-251.

H. M. Smyser, The Pseudo-Turpin edited from Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Latin, MS. 17656, Mediaeval Academy of America, Publication No. 30 (Cambridge, Mass., 1937).

R. N. Walpole, A Study and Edition of the Old French Johannis Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, University of California Doctoral Dissertation (Berkeley, 1939) [typescript].

– Philip Mouskés and the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, University of California Publications in Modern Philology XXVI (1947), 327-440.

– Sur la Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin, Travaux de Linguistique et de Littérature [Strasbourg] III, 2 (1965), 7-18.

H. L. D. Ward, Catalogue of Romances in the British Museum, I (London, 1883), 589-92.

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HISTORIA TURPINI.A0 [A0] At the head of the folio, a note in a hand similar to the rest of the text reads: Touz les feez Charles sunt trovez escris en latyn en un livere ke est apelé Speculum Historiale.32


Icy comensunt les hauz fees Charles ke il fist en Espayne, escris par Turpyn le erceweke de Reynys.

Ici comence la veraye estoyre si cum li fort roys Charlemain li Conquerauns conquit tote Espayne e i oust tote Galice en sa pousté e la delivera des Sarazyns par l'ayde Deux e par l'amonestement moun seygnor seint Jake. E sachunt certeynement touz ceus ke le orrunt ke l'estoyre est veraie, si vus moustray ben purquey ele deyt estre veraye e cruee de clers e de lais.N7 [N7] Nicolas de Senlis and Jehan, in the prologues to their Turpin translations, stress three points: the advantages of straightforward prose over rhymed history, the attentive procuring of the original Latin text, and its absolute veracity as the account of an actual eye-witness. The first two of these elements are missing from William's prologue, whilst the third is repeatedly emphasized: 8, 12, 17, 23, 48. At the end of his translation, William again stresses the chronicle's authenticity, and exercises his clerical authority (via that of Turpin) by invoking God to witness the truth of the events which it describes (1489-90). For an account of the place occupied by these earliest Turpin translations in the development of French prose, see B. Woledge and H. P. Clive, Répertoire des plus anciens textes en prose française, Publications romanes et françaises, LXXIX (Genève, 1964), intro.32 Ly bons archeeweke Turpin de Reyns, ke fu compaynoun Charles en Espayne e les graunz peynes e les grauns travauz e les graunz coups suffry ovveke ly autretaund cum un dé melliours, [l']escrist a Vienne, la ou il gisoyt malades dé playes ke il resut en Espayne. Quaunt qe Charles ou fet du primer aan ke il entra en Espayne a sa mort, envoya en latin a Leobrand, le deen d'Ayse la Chapele, qui li avoyt maundé e prié par cumpanie ke il li escrisist en latin e ly envoyast. Eissi fist en tele manere cum vus orrez, si vus le volet escoter.

Jo, Willem de Briane, le clers Garin le fiz Gerod,N19 [N19] The fitz Gerolds held substantial estates in Oxfordshire, principally at Heyford-Warren (formerly Heyford-Warin and now Upper Heyford) and Whitchurch-on-Thames (cf. Victoria County History: Oxford, VI 196-205; W. Farrer, Honours and Knights' Fees (London, 1923-1925), I 103ff.; III 168ff.; W. Wing, The Annals of Heyford-Warren in The Oxford Chronicle for 18 and 25 November 1865). If we are correct in identifying a holder of this latter benefice with William de Briane (Introduction, Section 2), there might seem sufficient evidence to warrant a tentative localization of our text in this part of the country. A. de Mandach's contrary claim of a connection between William's translation and North Wales proves to be based on a series of false hypotheses. He begins by attributing to the Earl of Chester the possession of a Latin Turpin MS. of which a copy was supposedly lent to Warin fitz Gerold and served as one of the sources of William's translation. Earl Ranulf's ownership of this MS., BM Harley 6358, is to be deduced–Mandach tells us (La Geste de Charlemagne, p. 133; La Chronique de Turpin, pp. 21-3)–from the fact that he had his name, together with a list of the counts of Chester, added to a genealogy of the kings of England following the Turpin text. On closer inspection, however, one discovers this assertion to be incorrect: the royal genealogy, which ends at the foot of f. 83v with the words successit Johannes qui [erasure] Amen, is followed by a blank page, and between f. 84v and f. 86v, the last of the MS., a fourteenth-century hand has copied a few extracts from Higden's Polychronicon, compiled at Chester some one hundred years after the earl's death (cf. Ward, Catalogue of Romances, I 560). Not only does the Earl of Chester have nothing to do with the MS. in question, but also the textual affinities postulated between it and the A.-N. translation rest ultimately on a single piece of evidence which can easily be discounted (La Chronique de Turpin, p. 21). Dr. de Mandach's next surmise, that William de Briane's patron was neighbour to the palatine court of Chester, enables him to assign the origin of the A.-N. Turpin to North Wales, but the initial error is here compounded by a further misinterpretation. A record which he invokes of Warin's exemption from the scutage for Wales in 1211 indicates simply that the chamberlain was excused a tax levied in lieu of military service in King John's expedition against the Welsh in that year, and can in no way invite the conclusion which Dr. de Mandach draws from it (La Geste de Charlemagne, p. 102; La Chronique de Turpin, p. 22), namely that Warin actually lived and held lands in Wales. My investigation of the extensive fitz Gerold-de Curcy demesne gives no reason for thinking that he ever did. There is, in short, no evidence to link either the Earl of Chester or Wales with our A.-N. Turpin.32 ke maint homme a mis a ben e mout plus en mettra, si Deux plest, par soun comaundement e par le comaundement ma dame Aliz sa femme, ay proposé e translaté ço livere ke Turpin l'arceweke escrist de sé mayns en latin; le mettray en romaunz ke ceus ke le orrunt i preynount essaumple e s'i delitunt a oyer les hauz feez e les hauz miracles, e [f.284b] ensement ceus qui entendunt la lettre se deliterount,N26 [N26] William, who states his didactic intentions in unambiguous terms, seems to be drawing a distinction between his lay listeners and those with a professional knowledge of Latin. The former, as well as enjoying the story, will benefit from having good examples preached to them, while the latter (who include no doubt the translator's patron) will derive pleasure from discerning, on a different level, the works of God in favour of the Christian crusaders. An emendation of oier to orer would not necessarily make the passage less obscure. On lettre in the sense of Latin, see D. W. Robertson in Studies in Philology XLVIII (1951), 686, 692; Miss Legge in Modern Language Review LVI (1961), 333-4; Tobler-Lommatzsch, Altfranzösisches Wörterbuch (Berlin, 1925–), V 339-42; cf. also Birth of Merlin (BM MS. Arundel 220, f. 4), Kar tote gent ne entendunt mye Lettre en latyn ne clergie, Et pur ço l'ai jo feet en romaunz Ke tuz entendunt, petiz et grauns.32 ceus, di jo, ke Deux amerount a oier. Ore prium Deux ke il otreyt a moy e a ceuz par ky enprenk cest overe fere tele chose ke sa alme soit sauve aprés la mort. Dites Amen.

[Epistola Turpini]

Turpin, par la grace de Deux archeeweke de Reyns, cumpaynoun au fort roy Charles, a Leobrand le deen

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d'Ayse la Chapele, saluz e amistez en Damnedeux.

Pur ço ke vus me maundastes novelement a Vienne, ou jo jesoyse maladis de mé playes ke jo ressu en Espayne, ke jo vus escrisisse e maundasse en quele manere nostre emperere Charles conquist tote Espayne e la tere de Galice delivera de la pousté as enemys Deux les Sarazins, e ke jo vus escrisisse les hauz feez ke funt a merveiler a touz crestiens e les graunz victoreis ke nous i humis, jo, ke alay quatorse aunz ou moun seigur le empereres e suffri ovveke ly les graunz peines e les grauns travaus par Espayne e par Galice, le vus escriveray. E pur ço que vus me maundastes que vus ne poustes trover a moun seigur Seynt Dynis en Fraunce entre les hauz feez Charlemayn, ke sount escrist la e notez, ço ke il fist en Espayne, jo le vus escriveray e trametteray. Vus vivez e vayllez e plesiez a Deux!

Ore entendet ben, si orret l'estoire,N47 [N47] A similar formula, independent of the Latin, is to be found in Nicolas's text: Or hi entendez, si les vos conterai (ed. Auracher 263.25). Evidence that William's translation was destined to be read aloud to an assembled audience is directly and amply furnished by the frequent repetition of such verbs as oir and escouter to be found throughout his text: 18, 24, 25, 47, 56, 630, 991, 1146. The translator also frequently apostrophizes his audience, transforming Latin passive, impersonal and third-person constructions in order to address his listeners directly: e.g. vulgo dicuntur (ed. Meredith-Jones 95 xvi)–ore vus numeray (130); hæc sunt nomina (123 i)–Ore vus diray les nouns (390); de quo non est modo loquendum (123 xx)–dount jo ne fa nule mencioun (409); considerandum quia (139 xxii)–Ore sachet (582); datur intelligi (235 viii)–poét entendre e aperçoyver (1459); cf. also Dites Amen (29) and ll. 124, 135, 403, 625, 1297, 1462. On one occasion he supplements a similar rendering of interrogandum est (183 xviii)–me devet vus demaunder (1047) with a rhetorical Vus ne poét trop aprendre! Jo le vus diray.33 e sachet ke ele est veraye.

[I. De hoc quod apostolus Karolo apparuit]

Moun seygur seint Jake, le gloriouse apostle nostre Segnur, fu li primeres dé desciples nostre Sire ke prechat en Galice, e aprés fu martirié de Herode le Roy en Jerusalem. Si pristrunt le cors e le porterunt par [f.284c] mer en Galice, e precherunt en Galice. Mes lé gens ne voudreyunt oyer, ainçois retournerunt arere a lour mali[ci]ouse loy e la tindrunt si ke au tens Charlis ke touz les daunta, si cum vus orret avaunt.

Icesty Charlis, pous ke il oust taunt travalié, ke il fu toust laas, e out conquis plusurs reaums, kar il conquist Fraunce, Engletere, Alemayne, Baivier, Lorenne,A59 [A59] Lorence33 Burgoyne, Lumbardie, Bretayne e autres plusuris regiouns e cités dount il est nul numbres, e il out tot conquis de la une mer jekes a l'autre e out la pussaunce, e venqu ne fu unkes e out mis a crestienté quaunt ke il out conquis, e il fu laas de si graunt travauz, se purpensa ke des ore en avaunt se reposeroyt.N57 [N57] The looseness of the sentence-structure here may well reflect a difficulty on the part of the translator in resolving the denseness of the corresponding Latin syntax: Hic vero Karolus postquam multis laboribus per climata multa orbis diversa regna, Angliam scilicet, Galliam . . . adquisivit et . . . gravi labore ac tanto sudore fatigatus, ne amplius bellum iniret, et ut requiem sibi daret, proposuit (89 ix). An apparently similar failure to distinguish a subordinate clause is to lead to syntactic confusion also in ll. 157ff. (cf. Latin 101 v). It is in fact in the linking of clauses that one of the more noticeable stylistic differences between William's version and certain of the other French Turpins can be seen. Not only does the Anglo-Norman translator seem particularly loth to make use of subordination (cf. 239, 550, 637-8, 651, 1140-1), but he frequently indulges in the stringing together of whole series of successive sentences by means of the conjunction et in contexts where any stylistic intention seems improbable (cf. the ten successive sentences at 609ff. and the eight at 1153ff.). Though such features are, of course, common to much early French prose, and would in any case pass unnoticed in oral recitation, there are contemporary writers or translators who avoid excessive parataxis of this sort. It should, on the other hand, be noted that throughout the translation there is little if any evidence of the intrusion of Latin idiom into William's French.33

Ne demora gers qe une nouyt avint ke il egarda vers lé cels,N66 [N66] Statim intuitus est in celo (89 xviii). When, as here, the Latin fails to develop narrative transitions, William introduces his own temporal constructions. Other examples are: tauntost cum il oyerunt sa venue (115), il avint si ke (210), ne demora geris (218), ore oyez graunt mesaventure! (630), mes endementers ke il s'en aloent (636), ore poét oyer (1146). Occasionally the translator's adaptation of the Latin syntax is elaborate: Tunc modicum commorati, vix expleto psalmo . . . redierunt (229 xix)–Il s'en party e jo remys, si comensay ma saume la ou jo l'avoy lessé. E kaunt jo l'avoy finy, il revindrent (1423). Cf. also note to l. 711.33 e vyt une voye de esteyles ke comensoyt a la meer de

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Frise e s'en alout entre Tichetere e Lumbardie, entre Fraunce e Aquytayne, e s'en passout droit par Gascoyne e par Basc[l]e e par Navare e par Espayne, droyt en Galice ou li cors seynt Jakes estoyt lors, mes nenN71 [N71] On nen for l'en, see T.-L. VI 1101.34 ne le savoit mie. Par meynte nouz vyt Charles ceste voye. E cum il out meinte feyz egardé, il se comensa a purpenser ke ço dust estre, e qe ço seneffiast.A74 [A74] qe de co se ne affiast34N74 [N74] The MS. reading is an obvious deformation; cf. Jehan que ce pooit estre et senefier (MS. BN f.fr. 2464, ed. Walpole VI 12), and Nicolas que cela visions signefiot (264.18).34 E cum le purdumm s'estudiast une nout en soun list en veylaunt, uns homme li apparust ke mout estoyt beus de grant manere, e ly dist: 'Ke fé tu, beus fiz Charles?' E il ly respoundy: 'Ky es tu, beus sire?' 'Je su,' fist il, 'Jakes li apestel Jesu Crist, [f.284d] le fiz Zebedee, frere Johan le Ewangeliste, ke nostre Sire prist sur la meer de Galilee e le fist precher a soun pople, ky Herode le Roy occist de gleyve, le ky cors repose en Galice. E sachet ke mout me merveyl de toy ke taunz de regnes e taunz de cités as conquis, purquey tu n'as deliveré ma tere dé mescreauns. Pur laquele chose jo te fas a saver ke si cum Deux te a feet le plus fort roy terrien ke soyt a touz tens, autresi te a il apparaylé a deliverer ma tere des trechers ke Jesu Crist despisoyunt, e pur ço t'a il ellu ke pur ta discerte eies vie pardurable.

La voye de esteyles ke tu veis el ceil, ço signefie ke tu ou graunz ostz irras en la tere pur deliverer ma tere dé mescreaunz. E aprés toy irrunt tos les gens de la une meer deke a l'autre en pillerinage. E ilukes averunt pardoun de lour pechez e recounterunt les miracles ke il verrunt, e irount des toun temps dekes a la fyn du secle. Ore en va dounkes a plus tost ke tu poras. E sachet ke pur ço travauz averas tu vye pardurable e ma ayde te ert touz jurs preste, e to le munde parlera de toy en bein e te loerunt touz.'

En itel manere appara seynt Jakes a Charles par troiz feiz. E li empereres se leçaN99 [N99] The Latin promissione fretus (93 viii) was probably either misread or miscopied as letus, unless the translator's se leça renders excitatus of the short, embellished Latin tradition (ed. Smyser III 27 var). The Turpin of the Grandes Chroniques de France also has fu moult liez (ed. Mortier p. 7), whereas Nicolas reads fu molt curios . . . si fu molt segurs (265.20).34 dé paroles e dé promesses, e asembla ses ooz e entra en Espayne ou ses ooz countre les Saracyns.

[II. De muris Pampiloniae per semetipsos lapsis]

La primere vile ke il assist, ke cité fust, ço fu Pampiloyne, e sist entour par treis mois; unkes prendre ne la poust.

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Lors fist sa priere a nostre Seigour e dist: 'Beuz Sire Deux Jesu Crist, pur la ky amour e pur la ky foy jo su venu en ces estraunges teres e con [f.285a] trés pur enausser seynte crestienté, doune moy prendre ceste cité en le honur de toun noun'. Dount reprist sa priere a moun seygour seint Jakes e dist: 'Seynt Jakes, si ço est veyr ke vus me aparustes, donet moy ke jo la preinge'. E lors par la priere seynt Jakes li murs chayerunt e fundirunt. Il entra en la cité e fist occire touz les Sarazins ke ne soy voudreyunt baptizer. Touz li Sarazins ke oyerunt cest miracle se enclinerunt a Charles e li enveyerunt true encountre e li rendirunt les cités tauntost cum il oyerunt sa venue, e tote la tere li rendy true. La gent sarazine se merveyllout mout kaunt ele veiot si beuz Fraunceis, e si ben feet de cors e de membris e si ben vestu, si lé receyvoiunt plus onurablement e en pes estoiunt lour armes.

Charles visita le sarku seynt Jakes, e vint a Peroun e ficha sa launce en la meer e rendy graces a Deux e a moun seygour seynt Jakes ke deke la le avoyt condust, e dist ke avaunt ne poeyt il aler. E jo Turpin arch[eweke]N123 [N123] Gallecianos . . . baptismatis gratia per manus Turpini archiepiscopi regeneravit (95 x). A concern on the part of the translator to draw attention to and elaborate Turpin's rôle as narrator may be seen in his rectification here of one of the three instances in the Latin where the archbishop is referred to in the 3rd pers. The others, similarly corrected, are at 1022 and 1043 (cf. Latin 181 xxv, 183 xv). He elsewhere interposes Turpin's name when it is absent from the Latin and transforms the 3rd pers. pl. verbs of his original into 1st pers. pl. (cf. 608-10 with Latin 141 xvii). On five further occasions (385-7, 1043-4, 1221-3) 1st pers. pl. verbs introduced independently of the Latin serve a similar function of enhancing Turpin's participatory rôle and the diary tone of his chronicle. Incidental personal comments ex persona poetæ are also placed in Turpin's mouth by the translator: cum cil ke mout fu sages (309), il fist ke sages (665), ke taunt fet a louer (888), nostre emperere le crut e ne retourna pas. Ço fu folye (1147), e jo le cru ben (1442). The unity of the chronicle is likewise improved by William's addition of narrative parentheses or links to his original, such as si cum vus orret avaunt (55), si cum il avoyunt fet devaunt (348), en tele manere cum jo vus ay dist (946), si cum jo dis devaunt (1107); cf. also savoye . . . ke ly enymys me avoyt voyr dist (1440). Similarly when the Latin recounts in direct narrative an event such as Charlemagne's council at Saint-Denis (217 xxiv) at which Turpin was not present, the translator, recognizing the logical necessity of expressing this as reported action, interpolates e si cum jo oy dire e ben le say, il assembla un councyle . . . (1350). More substantial modifications of the Latin are made with the same aim of adding verisimilitude to the original. In ch. XX Turpin explains that to give an account of Charlemagne's exploits prior to his coming to Spain would be too voluminous an undertaking for his pen: magis deficit manus et calamus quam eius hystoria (179 i). William adapts this hypothetical remark to refer to the actual circumstances of the chronicle's composition, and, alluding back to the detail of Turpin's dedicatory letter, explains the archbishop's unwillingness to digress by evoking his bad state of health at the time of writing: mes ma meyn e ma penne me defaylunt ke jo ne pus mes geres escrire pur mes playes (988). A similar transformation occurs in the exhortatio indulgentiæ which ends the chronicle (239 xi). Here William has the happy idea of rounding off his translation by recalling that his history was originally written in letter form to the (imaginary) Dean of Aix. Accordingly Turpin, in the 1st pers., is made to complement his own prefatory epistle by addressing Leoprandus directly: E vus, sire deen . . . (1486).35 baptizay touz iceus ke crestiens voudreyunt devenyr, ceus, di ge, ky aprés la predicacioun as desciples seynt Jakes se estoyent converti a la ley sarazine. E ceuz ke se ne voudreyunt converter, ou il furunt occis ou il furunt mené en Fraunce en cheytivesouns. Lors s'en ala il par tote Espayne de l'une meer dekes a l'autre.

[III. De nominibus civitatum Yspaniae]

Ore vus numeray des plus rices cités e viles ke Charles conquist en Galice: Visunia, Lamecum, Columbria, Tuda, Mindona, Metropot, la cité nostre [f.285b] Dame, ComposteleA132 [A132] dame de postele35N131 [N131] The translator does not follow the order of the Latin list of Spanish towns, which he also, unlike both Nicolas and Jehan, severely curtails from 108 names to 27. In the majority of lists throughout the text, the order adopted by William differs from that of any of the printed Latin MSS.35 ke lors estoyt mou petite, e mout des autres ke moyA133 [A133] ke noy35 ne plest nomer, kar ennoy seroyt.

Ore vus numeray partie des cités de Espayne ke il conquist, kar jo nes averoye a peyce acountésA136 [A136] acountes35 totes:N136 [N136] William abbreviates the long catalogue of the Latin, intervening in the narrative in the 1st pers. to explain that it would have taken him too long to give a complete list: for even after a long time I should not have enumerated them all.35 Oike, Teraçone, Girounde, Tortuse, Carbone un fort chastel, Adanie, Burriane,A138a [A138a] Buruane35 Ubede, Malague,A138b [A138b] Malangue35 Valence, Petrosse ou

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l'em fest le bon argent, Denie, Sative,A139 [A139] Satine36 Granade, Ventose, Turgel, Tolete, Badaioht, l'Estoyle, Baione, Altemore, Makedee,A141 [A141] Makelee36 Palence, Luserne, Sibile, Cordres, Abule, Accentine ou le confessour Jesu Crist, seynt Tor[qu]aze, serjaunt seynt Jake, repose, a ky sepucre une olive est plaunté ke a la feste de luy flurist en une nouyt e porte frust. La feste enA145 [A145] en36 est es ydes de may. Totes ces cités e mout des autres, dount jo ne fas mencioun, conquist Charles, les unis par batayle, les autres saun batayle,A147 [A147] saun batayle36 les autres par engyn, fors soul Luserne ke seet en Vaal Vert. Cele ne pout il prendre devaunt.N149 [N149] William's devaunt earlier lacks the precision of the original statement that Charlemagne was unable to take Luiserne until the last: quam capere donec ad ultimum nequivit. Novissime vero venit . . . (99 xvii), and our text is probably defective here; cf. Nicolas: cele ne puec il prendre tres c'au derreiran. Au derreiran vint a li e si l'acist (268.4), and Jehan: qu'il ne pot prendre desi au darreain qu'il vint la, et il l'asist (XI 8).36 Au dreyn il vint e la assist e i sist quatre moys; onkes ne la pout prendre. Dount fist il sa priere a Deux e a moun seygur seynt Jake, e par sa priere est ele gaste si ke a jour de hoy, e un graunt gorz sourt en milu de la cité ou il avoyt neyrs peysouns.

Lé roys fraunsoys e les empereres ke furunt devant Charles conquistrunt plus des cités avaunt dites ke aprés se retournerunt a la loy sarazyne si ke a la venue Charles. E aprés sa mort e devaunt, plusours roys e princes [f.285c] se cumbatirent en Espayne contreA158 [A158] entre36 la gent mescreaunte, kar Cloovel,A159a [A159a] Cloomel36N159a [N159a] On the form Cloovel, cf. the variant Clodoveil listed by Langlois, Table des Noms Propres . . . (Paris, 1904), p. 153.36 [ki] fu le primer roys fraunsoys crestien, Lotarie,A159b [A159b] Dotarie36 Dagobert, Pipin, Charles Martel, Charles le Chauf, Charles le Simple,N159b [N159b] The translator does seem to make use of some historical knowledge when he replaces, in more or less chronological order, the Ludovicus and Karlomannus of the Latin list (101 vi) by Charles the Simple (r. 898-923). On the question of the Pseudo-Turpin's apparently glaring anachronisms, of which William also seems to remain oblivious, see Meredith-Jones, op. cit., p. 301; cf. also C. Hohler, A Note on Jacobus in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes XXXV (1972), 31-80, who would have us believe that lapses such as these were originally deliberate.36 ices conquistrunt partie de Espayne e partie lesserunt a conquere, mes icesty Charles conquist tote Espayne en soun temps. Ces sunt les cités ke il maudist pur ço ke il les conquist a greniour travail qe nule des autres: Luserne, Caparre, Adanie, Ventose.

[IV. De ydolo Mahummet]

Les ydles e les mauhoumésA166 [A166] mauhoumes36 ke il trova en Espayne totes destrut fors soulement une qe est en la tere Alandalof,A167 [A167] tere seynt Dalof36N167 [N167] An intermediate (a) lendalof would elucidate the scribal transformation of the Latin Alandaluf (101 xv).36 ke est appelé Salancadis. Cadis est dist le propre lu ou est Salam. Salam soune en lange sarazine Deux. Li Sarazins diunt ke Mauhoumet, kaunt il vesquy, fist ceste ydle en soun noun e ke il seella par enchauntement une legioun des enemys. Si est cel ydle de si graunt pussaunce ke nul

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ne la pout depesser, kar cum acoun cristyen i aproche, tauntost perile. E si acoun Sarazyn i aproche pur aorer, tot seyns e heytez s'en depart, e si acoun oysel se assist par aventure, de meyntenaunt est mort. Ill y a une pere antelyéN177 [N177Antelyé, which anticipates the entaylé of the following clause, must originally have read anciene or antive; cf. Latin antiquus (103 v), Jehan and Nicolas anciene.37 sour la rive de laA177 [A177] rive de la37 meer, entaylé a overe sarazine, e est ferme a la tere, si est desus lee e quarré e desous estreyte, e si est haute cum un corf put voler. E un ymage est desus levé tost de oorN180 [N180Oor may be a mistranslation of the Latin auricalco (103 viii), rendered by Jehan as arain (XII 16) and by Nicolas as or musique (269.4).37 en semblaunce de homme, e ço esta tote dreyte sur ces piés e ad sa face tourné vers middy, e tent en sa destre mayn une grant clef, dount les Sarazyns diunt e ount sorty ke cele clef li cheyera de la mayn le [f.285d] aan ke un roy nestra en Fraunce ke conquera tot Espayne. E ount ben afermé ke si tost cum il verrunt la clef chete, il prendruntN186 [N186] The scribal transformation of an original repondront to prendrunt completely reverses the sense of the Latin gazis suis in terra repositis (103 xv).37 totes lour richesses e s'enfuerunt de la tere en un autre.

[V. De ecclesiis quas Karolus fecit]

Charles demora troys aaunz en la tere, e de le oor e de le argent ke les roys e les princes li donerunt, refist e acrust la eglise moun seygour Seynt Jake e estably ewekes e chanoines solum la reule seynt Ysidore le Confessour e si la ourna de payles e de touz aurnemens ke coveneyunt a eglise. Du remenaunt de le oor e de l'argent ke il porta de Espayne fist il plusurs eglises, kar il en fist la eglise ma dame Seynte Marie la Rounde a AysA195 [A195] e Ays37 la Chaple e la eglise Seynt Jake illuc meyme, e la eglise Seynt Jake a Borges,N196 [N196] Like William, Nicolas (269.19) also translates the Latin urbem bitterrensium (105 vi) by Bourges instead of Béziers. For a discussion of these shared variants in Nicolas and William, which are independent of the surviving Latin texts, see ZrP LXXXVI (1970), 525ff. This particular rendering proves to be common to at least five Old French Turpin translations.37 e la eglise Seynt Jake a Tolouse, e cele ke est en Gascoyne en la cité ke ad a noun Ays,A198 [A198] apiis37 e Seynt Johan de Scorges en la veye Seynt Jake, e si en fist la eglise Seynt Jake a Parris entre Seyne e Mounmartre,A200 [A200] mounmartyn37N200 [N200] The insularity of our Anglo-Norman scribe is obvious, though his original may possibly have read monmartyr for Montem Martirum (105 x). It is interesting to compare the Provençal translator's intriguing e.l pueh nostre (ZrP XIV (1890), 482.22).37 e si en fist plusurs abbeyes dount il est nul noumbre.

[VI. De Aygolando]

E kaunt Charles s'en fu repeyré en Fraunce, un roy de Aufrike, Agolaunt, vint ou ses oosz en Espayne e la conquist e occist e geta horeys tos les cristiens ke Charles avoyt lessé a garder les chasteus. E kaunt Charles oy ço, il

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assembla ses oosz e reala arere en Espayne, e ly dux Miles de Aglent, li peres Roulaunt, ala ovekes luy.

[VII. De exemplo elemosinae mortui]

Ore vus diray une esaumple ke Deux moustra en le oost Charles a touz iceus ke retignunt [f.286a] autri amones ke l'em lour a baylé a doner pur Deux.N210 [N210] This is one of the twenty or so readings which derive not from the text of the long Latin family (his qui mortuorum elemosinas iniuste retinent, 105 xx), but from that of the shorter, embellished tradition (his qui mortuorum elemosinas ad erogandum pauperibus sibi commissas iniuste retinent, ed. Smyser VII 9). All such variants in William's text reappear also in Nicolas's translation (here 270.3).38 Il avint si ke Charles se herberga a Bayoune, la cité a Bascle, ou touz ses oosz, e un chivalers ke out a noun Romaries achocha malades e fu si destroiz de sa maladie ke il demaunda le provoyre.N212 [N212] In the original, Romaricus charges a blood relation to sell his horse for him and donate the money to the Church and the poor (107 ii). William adapts the terse Latin narrative by having the dying man himself summon the priest, but it is the latter who, transformed into a chaplain, is given the merit of suggesting to Romaricus his pious thought, the churchman who is made directly instrumental in this exemplary act of charity. It is perhaps this same sort of clerical partisanship which prompts William on other occasions (534-5, 914, 915) to add representatives of the lower orders of the ecclesiastical hierarchy to the Latin (cf. 137 iii, 169 xix, xx), and to brand those wayward clerics whom his original describes simply as sacerdotes (185 xii) as faus prestres (1063).38 Il vint. Li chivalers se fist confés e fist ces dreytures. Il dist a provoyre ke il avoyt un chival. Ly chapeleyns ly dist ke le vendist e donast les deneres as clers e a poveres. Ly chivalers le bayla a un soun cosyn ke le vendist e donast les deners pur sa alme. Il les resust. Ne demora geris li chivaler morust, e soun cosyn vendy le chival .c. soutz, e s'en vesty e but e manja e tot despendi en folie e en mauveyse lecherie. Mes pur ço ke la venjaunce Deux soleyt estre prest as maufesaunz, nostre Seygour suffry trente jours. E aprés .xxx. jours apparust ly mort au wifN221 [N221] Quia malis factis divini iudicis vindicta proxima esse solet, transhactis .xxx. diebus apparuit ei nocte in extasi mortuus (107 vii). William's addition of an allusion to Christ's temptation is echoed also in Nicolas (270.15), and may well derive from a gloss interpolated into the Latin text; see ZrP LXXXVI (1970), 530.38 e ly dist: 'Pur ço ke jo toy baylay ma aumone a doner pur la aume de moy, sachez ke touz mé pechés me sount pardon[e]z, e sachet ke trente jours ay jo esté en peynes de enfern pur ço ke tu retens ma amoyne .xxx. jurs. E tu iras demayn la dount jo su issuz'. Eissi parla ly morz e s'esvany.

E ly vif s'eveylla e ou moun grant poour, e l'endemayn comensa a counter ces paroles a tot le oostz. E dementyrs ke le un parlast a l'autre de si graunt merveyle, il oyrent un cri en l'aeyr sodeynement sur le cheytif ke avoyt la amoyne retenu, e autresi [f.286b] cum [de] lyounes ou de toorz ou de lous.A234 [A234] lo […] s38N234 [N234Lous is a lectio difficilis. Originally the word appears to have been spelt loxz; an s was then written over the x and es added. Cf. note to l. 617.38 E ly enemys ravirunt le cheytif de entre les autres; unkes les autres ne surunt ou il devint. Tote le oost le quist to le jour a pee e a chival, par mouns e par vals; ounkes ne le poreunt trover. A la parfin aprés douze jours errout l'ost par les desertes de Navvare, e troverunt le cors sus une roche tot par peces. La roche se esteyndyt treys lues en la meerN239 [N239] Both William, who places this cliff three leagues out to sea, and Jehan, who sees it at the same distance inland (a trois liues de mer, XV 8), appear to mistranslate the Latin cuius ascensus tribus leugis habebatur (var. extendebatur) super mare (109 i); cf. the Burgundian translator's en l'autace d'une roiche desus la me[r] qui ai bien trois legues de haut (RPh II (1948-1949), vii 23). For other similarities between the translations of Jehan and William, see notes to ll. 293, 329-330, 664-7, 794, 967, 1105, 1232, 1423.38 a quatre jornés de la ou ly enemys l'avoyount

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pris. Illukes le avoynt geté e en avoyunt porté la anme en enfern, si cum jo quid.

Pur ço sachunt seus ke autri amone retynunt ke lour sount comaundés a doner, la veyngaunce nostre SeygourN244 [N244] The idea of divine vengeance, not expressly stated in the Latin se dampnandos (109 v), is also introduced in Nicolas: nostre Sires en prenrra . . . vengiance (271.6). The short Latin text has a variant reading sese . . . a districto iudice Deo puniendos (ed. Smyser VII 38).39 sera preste quaunt il meyns se dorunt garde.

[VIII. De bello Sancti Facundi ubi astae floruerunt]

Aprés ço Charles e ly dux Myles d'Ayglent ou lour oosz comencerunt a quere Agolaunt, e le troverunt en la tere ke l'em dist Deschauns sur une ewe ke ad a noun Cee, en uns mout beuz prez ou il out puis fete une mout bele eglise par la ayde Charles en le onur seynt Fagon e seynt Primitif; e il estably une abbeye de moynes, e il i a ore mout bele vile. E kaunt les oosz Charles aprocherunt as oosz Agolaunt, Agolaunt maunda a Charles batayle a soun voler, vynt chivalersA254 [A254] chivares39 countre vynt, karaunte countre karaunte, ou cent countre cent, ou mil countre mil, ou deus countre deus, ou un countre un. Charles enveya .c. cristiensA256 [A256] cristiens39 encountre .c. Sarazynes; ne say pas cum checun fery l'autre,N257 [N257Ne say pas cum checun fery l'autre, with no counterpart in the Latin (109 xix), is one of a long line of embellishments dramatizing the numerous battle scenes of the chronicle, which betray a significant acquaintance on the part of our clerical translator with the style and vocabulary of popular vernacular literature. The following additions to the original text exemplify the range of William's epic style: je ne pus ne ne say acounter touz les coups, mé ben say ke . . . (507), ke vus acounteroye? (1041), orret key li avint! (991), ore oyez graunt mesaventure! (630), si k'en ne oist mye Deux tonaunt (865), k'en n'y oust pas Deux tonaunt (1262), unkes teles ne fu vou ne oyez (1259), unkes le un ne prist conray des autres (895), unkes ren n'y out tenu si ke a pez des porz (1222), unkes rens n'y out tenuez (1265), kaunc ke chival le pout rendre (1091), si ke unkes pece n'y remist a autre (1285), occyst kaun k'il attynoust (614), ke mout estoyt bon chivalers (686), e nul ne poeyt suffrer le coup de se espeye (1100), fery a destre e sinestre (279), il desbucherent tout ensemble quy ainz ainz (1034), il les virent desarmez e les assayllerunt (638), jeterunt lour armes e se en partirent touz, l'un sa e l'autre la (617), au corus e au ire ke il avoyt en occyst saun nonbre, kar nule arme ne poeyt suffrer soun espeye (1271). Occasionally a more poetic style emerges in the form of a simile: tauntost se cururent sure cum deux lyouns (828), e fut ausy atornez come chyn attorneyt caroyne (1258). On the possible influence of the Chanson de Roland on our translation, see note to l. 1276.39 [f.286c] mes li Sarazins furunt occys. Agolaunt enveya .c. countre .c., e furunt occys li Sarazyns. Agolaunt enveya uncore .cc. countre .cc., e furunt occis li Sarazyns.N259 [N259] Among the less evident insufficiencies of A. de Mandach's editio princeps of William's text, one cannot avoid mentioning the uncommon inaccuracy of the transcription in general, and in particular here the complete omission of this eleven-word sentence concerning the two hundred warriors (cf. his l. 237).39 Uncore enveya il deus myle countre deus mile; l'une partie dé Sarazyns furunt occys, l'autre s'enfuerunt.

Le terz jour aprés jeta Agolaunt ces soorz e vist ben e conu le destruement Charlys. E li maunda ke l'endemayn se combateroyt oveke ly en bataye plenere, si il le voleyt. Ly emperere le graunta. Lors i out plusurs de nos gent ke le soyr devaunt la batale apparallerunt lour hanstes e les ficherunt en tere devaunt lourA268 [A268] lour39 tentes el pree. E l'endemeyn les troverunt pleynes d'escorces e fluries, noun pas totes, mes les hanstes a ceus ke deveyunt receyvere martire en la batayle. Tuz en urunt mou graunt joye e couperunt les hanstes rees a rees de tere. E les racynes ke remistrunt en tere ount pus engendré grant boys ke uncore aperunt en la place. Il en urunt touz mou grant joye e escristrunt le miracle.N274 [N274] The same apparently loose translation of miraculum gratiæ divinæ adscribentes (III x) is to be found in Nicolas: si fu escriz li miracles (272.2); cf. Grandes Chroniques: atornerent toutes voies ce miracle a la loenge nostre Seigneur (ed. Mortier p. 17). See ZrP LXXXVI (1970), 531n.39 Ice jour fu la bataye e il out occis karaunt mile cristiens, e ly dux Miles d'Ayglent i fu occis, le pere Rou

Page 39

lond, ovveke ceus lesqueus hantes flurirent. E le chival Charles fu occys souz ly, e tantost il traist soun espee ke ert appelé Joyouse, e fery a destre e sinestre e occist moust de Sarazynes. Au vespere s'en tournerunt les cristiens a lour herberges et ly Sarazyns a lour. Le jour aprés [f.286d] vindrunt quatre marchis de Lumbardie en ayde de Charles a quatreA283 [A283] a quar40 mile hommes a armes. Agolaunt le oy dire e tourna le dos, e Charles ala en Fraunce.

Ou la devant dite cumpanye de martyrsN285 [N285] . . . Karolus cum suis exercitibus ad Galliam remeavit. In præfata acie fas est intelligi salutem pro Christo certantium (113 i). In order to punctuate the text without distorting its syntax, there seems little choice but to assume that ou la devant dite cumpanye renders in præfata acie and not cum suis exercitibus, and consequently to ignore the copyist's sentence-division with a stop after cumpanye and capitalized De martyrs preceded by a paragraph sign. The unexpected use of the prep. ou with entendre instead of the more usual en (cf. 1056 below, and T.-L. III 576) might be explained by postulating a scribal miscopying, by a sort of homoeoteleuton, of an original reading Charles retorna en France ou ses oosz. En la devant dite cumpanye de martyrs . . .40 doyt l'em entendre la salu a ceus ke se cumbatunt pur l'amour nostre Seygour. Kar autresi cum li cumbatours Charles apparalerunt lour armys, autresi nus dewom apparayler nos armes. Quels armes? Bones vertues a cumbatre countre les vices. Kar ky ke ounkes avera charité countre hayne, ou largesse countre avarice, ou humilité countre orgoyl, ou chasteté countre luxurie ou cilence countre tensoun, sa haunste sera flurye a jour de jouyse. La hanste, ceN293 [N293] The group st seems to have been completely effaced in this construction which reappears at 1409, as well as at 518 and 791 where the form of the pron. is ço. Although it is possible that the scribe failed to understand an abbreviation for est when copying (cf. his correction to l. 482), e for est is not unknown in A.-N. (Pope §1222; Boeve, ed. Stimming, ll. 1214, 2873). ço and ce are interchangeable in our text. The two forms with ce are emended to conform to the editorial treatment of those with ço. Although the elucidation of the metaphor does not figure in the Latin (113 xiii), Jehan also adds la lance, c'est l'ame (XVIII 16). Cf. also William's earlier rhetorical addition of Quels armes? (289).40 [est] la ame. Ha! cum l'ame du venkour sera flurie eu regne Deux, kar li apostle nous dist: 'Nul ne serra coronnez for seilN295 [N295] The word-division for seil is sufficiently clear, and the subject-case after fors frequent enough in O.F. (cf. also in our text fors il at 1067), to make any emendation unnecessary here. Cf. also seil for cil at 465.40 ke leument se combatera.' E Deux nous le doynt sy fere ke a soun pleyser soyt.N296 [N296] William has simply omitted the thirty-word moralizing conclusion to this chapter (113 xvi), and in its place substituted a short prayer. Compare the similar prayer in Nicolas: E Dés le nos oltreit! Amen (273.2), though he does first translate the Latin faithfully. Cf. also note to l. 1047-8 below.40

[IX. De urbe Agenni]

Agolaunt assembla mout de gens dount il est nul numbres, kar il out Sarazyns e MoresA299 [A299] mores40 e Moabites,N299 [N299] The Moabites are apparently to be identified with the Almorávides; see Meredith-Jones, op. cit., p. 296, Smyser, op. cit., p. 25.40 Turs, Affricans, Perseys, Ethiopiens, e si out ou ly le roy de Arabe e Burrabel le roy de Alissaundre, Hospinel le rey de Gabe, Alys le roy [de] Maroch, Ebraym le roy de Sybile, LaumaçorN303 [N303Laumaçor (Latin altumaiorem) was obviously considered by the translator more as a personal name than as a title in view of his Laumaçor li roys de Cordres of 623.40 de Cordres. Et vint si ke a une cité de Gascoyne ke ad a noun Agyns, e d'iluc maunda a Charles en FraunceN304 [N304En Fraunce is an addition to the Latin (115 v); cf. also Nicolas: qui esteit a Paris (273.11 var).40 ke il venist a ly en pees a poy de gent, e ly promist ke il ly doreyt dys chivaus [f.287a] chargés de oor e de argent e de richesses. E por ço le maundoust ke il le voleyt veer e conustre, e aprés le occire en batayle.

Mes Charles countrepensa cest engyn cum cil ke mout fu sages. E vynt ou deus mile de ses melioures chivalers pres de la cité de Agenne e les enbucha illukes, e vint ou cessaunte si ke un mount ke est pres de la cité, si ke l'em leN312 [N312] While the Latin unde potest civitas videri (115 xiii) might suggest that l'em le represents a miscopying of la vile or la cité, Jehan has a similar rendering: un mont qui pres est de la cité qu'en l'en puet bien veoir (XX 4). If, in our reading, the obj. pr. is understood as fem. (cf. the confusion between le and la at 1389, 1439), the sense of the Latin is restored by construing l'em (= on) with a pl. vb., for which there seem to be precedents in A.-N. (Marie de France, Lais, ed. A. Ewert (Oxford, 1958): Laüstic 160, rejected reading, and F. J. Tanquerey, Recueil de Lettres Anglo-Françaises (Paris, 1916), p. 42).40

Page 40

poyent veer. Illukes lessa lé cessaunte e chaunga robe e prist un chivaler ou ly, e alerunt sauns launces, lour escuz reversés sur lour doos. Gent ke issentN315 [N315Issent, where one would expect a past tense, is perhaps an historic pres. (cf. estoiunt 119, court 840, restournent 1045, se paume 1219, enfoyent 1293). Conversely the impf. is found for the pres. in despisoyunt 87, and perhaps also attorneyt 1258, whilst the context of doneyent 1008 would seem to demand a pret. The pres. form voyt 1049 also appears to function for the pret.41 de la cité lour demaunderunt ke il quereyunt. 'Nus sumys,' firent il, 'messagers Charles, si nous enveye a Agolaunt,' e cils les menerunt devaunt luy. Charles parla a Agolaunt e ly dist: 'Moun seygour le emperere nous envoye a toy, kar il est venu si cum tu ly maundas a cessaunte chivalers, e voyt estre teyn si tu le douns ço ke tu promistes. E pur ço te maunde ke tu veynes a ly ou cessaunte chivalers dé tens.' Agolaunt se arma e lour dist ke il retournassent arere e dysoyunt a lour seygour ke il le attendist. Il ne savey ky a luy parloust.

Charles le conust dounke ben e espya par ont la cité eirt plus legere a prendre, e vit les roys ke illux esteyunt. E retourna a ces cessaunte chivalers, e pus a sé deus mile. Agolaunt le suy ou oout mile chivalers, mes Charles ne le attendy pas,N329 [N329] Jehan likewise has a euphemistic ne le vost mie attendre (XX 24) where the Latin reads fugere cœperunt (117 viii).41 ainz s'en ala en Fraunce. E assembla [f.287b] totes ses oosz, e vint a la cité de Ageins e l'acist, e Agolaunt fu dedens. Il asist sis moys, e au setime fist adresser ses engyns, perreres e mangoneus e motouns e autres engynes bones a chateuz prendre.N334 [N334] J. A. Noonan (An Anglo-Norman version of the Pseudo-Turpin in Studies . . . presented to M. K. Pope (Manchester, 1939), p. 248) would not have considered William's rendering a mistranslation of ceterisque artificiis ad capiendum, et castellis ligneis (117 xii) had he consulted the text of the short Latin family: ceterisque artificiis ad capiendum castella (116 xii, and ed. Smyser X 34), which Nicolas (275.15) and Jehan (XX 29) also seem to follow here.41 Agolaunt s'enfuyA334 [A334] fuy41 par nout e partye de sa gent par les vileynes pertuz ke l'em ne deyt cy nomer,N335 [N335] Cf. Jehan's un faus trous (XX 31) which renders only the modest half of the Latin latrinas et foramina (117 xiv), whilst Nicolas translates directly: les lenguaines (277.6). The influence of the courtly society for which William was writing may also be discernible in his omission of the gruesome anatomical details from the embalming of the martyrs in ch. XXVII. He shows in addition a constant preoccupation with titles and polite forms of address with which he freely embroiders his original.41 e par dejoste l'ewe de Garenne ou maynt en baina.N336 [N336Ou maynt en baina has no equivalent in the Latin (117 xv). Baignier is attested intransitively in O.F. as to become submerged (T.-L. I 797), and only a slight extension of this meaning is needed to give the sense here where many a one (of them) drowned. The alternative embaignier is not, to my knowledge, used otherwise than as a transitive verb and is not encountered in the meaning required by our context.41 L'endemayn entra Charles en la cité e occyst mout de Sarazyns. Quey ly quey sa gent en occirunt dys mile.

[X. De urbe Sanctonica ubi astae floruerunt]

De illukes vint Agolaunt a Sayntes, ke donk estoyt a Sarazyns, e illuc demora ou ses oosz. Charles le suy pres a dos, e ly maunda ke il le rendist la cité. Il ne ly voleyt rendre, ançois li maunda ke l'endemayn se combateroyt a ly en graunt batayle, par teu covenaunt ke ky venkeroyt l'autre, si oust la cité. Eissy fu graunté.

Nos gens se logerunt entre Tailleborc e la cité jouste l'ewe de Carente.A347 [A347] Garenne41N347 [N347] MS. Garenne, a form used in the previous chapter for the Garonne (336); here the Latin is Charanta (119 iv), for which in 363 and 364 the MS. has Tarente.41 Tels i out de nos cristiens ke la nut devaunt la batayle apparaillerunt lour hauntes, si cum il

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avoyunt fet devaunt, e l'endemayn les troverunt pleyns d'eschorces e fluries. Il urunt mou graunt joye e couperunt les hauntes rees a rees de tere. E kaunt il les urunt coupés, il s'asemblerunt ensemble e firunt mour de eus, e ferirunt les primers coups de la batayle e occirent mout des Sarazyns. Mes a la parfyn furunt il martirizés, e [f.287c] ben furunt quatre mile. E ly chivaus Charles fu occys sout ly, e il fu mout destroys kar li Sarazyns l'enchasoyent trop e destreyneyunt. Mes la vertuz nostre Seygour e soun benfere leA358 [A358] le42 defendy de mort, e ço ke il assembla taunt de gent com il out e asalyA359 [A359] asaly inserted above envay42 l'ost Agolant.N357 [N357] Karolus . . . invocato omnipotentis auxilio et resumptis viribus cum exercitibus suis in manu valida, pedes interfecit multos illorum (119 xii). In the unusual phrase e ço ke, the neuter demonstr. would seem to act as a correlative to the conj. ke linking consecutive clauses. Alternatively ço ke could well be a graphical equivalent of si que with the result that, in which case the e may represent the same sort of redundant conj. as is found, for example, in e taun ke 892, and e par issy ke 1326.42 Li Sarazyns ne le porrent soffrer kar estoyent lassés dé quatre mile ke il avoyent occys, si enfuerent en la cyté. Nostre roys les suy a tote s'ostz e aviruna la cité de totes pars, fors devers l'ewe de Carente;A363a [A363a] Tarente also 36442 par delaA363b [A363b] dela42 ne pout il assooir. La nuyt meymeA363c [A363c] meyme42 Agolaunt s'enfuy par l'ewe de Carente. Mes Charles le sout ben e le suy pres au dos, e il occyt le roy de ArabeN365 [N365] Of the printed Latin MSS. only the short, embellished text replaces regem Agabiæ (119 xx) by regem Arabiæ (ed. Smyser XI 21). The reading is lacking in Nicolas.42 e le roy de Bogie e mout graunt partye dé Sarazyns, ben entour quatre mile.

[XI. De militibus exercituum Karoli]

Agolant eschapa e vint a Pampilune ou ces oosz, e maunda d'iluc a Charlis ke la l'atendroytA369 [A369] ke la len en doyt42 pur cumbatre. E Charlys repairaA370 [A370] repaira inserted above reparala42N370 [N370] The Latin shows Charlemagne returning to France for reinforcements: rediit in Galliam et . . . omnes exercitus suos longe lateque præparatos ad bellum ad se venire mandavit (121 iii). This meaning can be preserved in our translation as it stands by attributing to repaira (an interlinear correction of reparala) the sense of bring together, regroup, though the only comparable use of repairier cited in T.-L. (VIII 874) is glossed heimbringen. There remains a strong possibility that the scribe has, by a process of miscopying and imperfect correction, distorted an original e Charlys repaira en Fraunce e reparala ses oosz de loung e de lee de sa tere.42 ses oosz en Fraunce de loung e de lee de sa tere, e les apparalla cum de vener a la batayle ou ly en Espayne. E maunda e comaunda ke touz ly serfz ke estoyent lyés soutz les males coustoumesA373 [A373] coutstoumes42 de lour cruews seygours fussent deslyés e ousté de servage, e il e lour lynies fussent des ore en avant quites e frauns de totes choses, e qe il ne servissent pas plus estraunge gent. Ceus comaunda il ke ovveke ly irroyent en Espayne pur cumba[t]re countre les Sarazyns. Touz iceus ke il trova en feerrz il les delivera, les [f.287d] povers il les fis riches, les nuez il les vesty, ceus ke se entrehayerent il les appesa, e releva ceuz ke a tort esteyent mys hors de lour propres heritages par fauz jugement. Touz les bachelers, noveusA382 [A382] noveument with m altered to s and rest expunged42 chivalers e les esquyers ke les armes

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avoyent hauntés, il les honura sour touz e les chery.N383 [N383] This is an unexpected paraphrase of militari habitu honorifice ordinavit (121 xvi).43 Ceus ke il hayout, il lour pardona soun mautalent; e acompayna a luy e privez e estraunges e s'en entra en Espayne. E jo, Turpin archeweke, les benequi e assous de lour pechés ceus ke ou moun seignor e ou nous vindrunt. E aprés entrams en Espayne ou touz nos oosz, ou quaraunte mile chivalers estre les esquiers e la gent a pee dount il est nul numbrez.

Ore vus diray les nouns des plus haus hommes: Jo, Turpyn archeweke de Rayns, qe touz les amonestoye de ben fere en batayles e les assoilleye de lour mesfeez, e me combatoye ou mes propres mayns contre les Sarazyns; Rollanz ly dux dé oosz, quens de Mans, sire de Bleyve, newou Charles, neez de Berte sa soror, chivaler de graunt corage e de haute posté; il vint ou quatre myle hommes armés. Il i out un autre Rollant dount nus ne awom ke fere. Olivers ly dux des oosz, chivaler tres sage en batayle, enpernaunz d'une haute ovre, quens de Goneveys,N399 [N399Goneveys (for geneveys) alternates in our text with Geneves (1312) (cf. Moniage Guillaume I where Genevois is attested for Genoa along with Genves; ed. SATF vol. II p. 102). In the epic tradition Olivier's father Renier is described as de Gennes, which is how the Burgundian Turpin translator renders the Latin comes gebennensis here (XI 26), though the current meaning in medieval Latin usage would have been Count of Geneva. Originally perhaps gebennensis was employed as a convenient Latin approximation for Gennes, the French town on the Loire near Angers whence Count Renier is thought to have taken his patronym, though the variant Geneves is also found in epic texts (cf. Langlois, op. cit., pp. 553-4). I have encountered no other example of William's description applied to Olivier, though a similar formula, de granz ovres emprenanz, is attached to the name of Regnier au Long Col in Benoît's Chronique des Ducs de Normandie (ed. Fahlin, I 4816).43 fiz quens Reyner; il vint ou tres mile hommes armés; Estous li quens de Langres, le fiz quens Odon, ou treys mile; Arastyn [f.288a] li dux dé Bretouns, ou seet mile armés. Eu tens cesty Arastyn out un roy en Bretayne dount nus ne awom ke fere. Engeler ly dux de Aquitayne, ou katre myle hommes armés; ices gens estoyent mout sages de totes armes, plus asset en arks e en seetes. Icesty Engeler estoyt Gascoing de linage,A407 [A407] linage Edris43N407 [N407Edris is a name coined by the copyist in much the same way as seynt Dalof (167). The Latin has genere gasconus, dux urbis . . . (123 xxi).43 e dux de la cité de Aquitayne ke est assise entre Limoges e Burges e Peyters. El tens cesty Engeler estoit un counte en Peyters dount jo ne fa nule mencioun. Cesar Augustus fist Aquitayne la cité e souzmyst a ly totes ces cités: Lymoges, Borges, Peyteres, Engolesme, ou totes lour contrés, e pur ço estoyt appelé tot le pays Aquitayne. Iceste cité fu gaste aprés la mort Engeler pur ço ke il enmena en Espayne totes les gens, e furunt occys en Rencevaus; unke pus ne [l']osa homme enhabiter. Gayfier, le roy de Bordles, vint ou troy mile armés; Gelyer; Gelin; Salemon compaynoun Estouz; Baudewyn le frere Roullonz; Gondebof le roy de Frise vint ou .vii. mile barouns; Houel li quens de Nauntes ou deuz mile barouns; Ernaud de Belaunde ou deuz mile barouns; Ogier le roy de Dene

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marche ou dys mile barouns; Lambert de Bourges ou deuz mile hommes; Neymes de Baiviere ou dysA422 [A422] ou deus expunged dys44 mile barouns; Sampson ly dux dé Borgueingnons ou .x. .m. barouns; Constantyn le provoz de Roume ou .xx. mile; ReynaudA424 [A424] Reynuad44 de Aubeespine; Gauter de Termes; Guielin; Garyn li dux de Lohierregne vint ou .iiii. mile; Boeges; Alberi [f.288b] li Borgoynon; BeraldA427 [A427] Herald44N427 [N427] Cf. Berauz at 1342, where a similar confusion between majuscule B and H occurs in the name Hatoun.44 de Nubles; Goinart; Haton; Esturmy; Tierry; Yvoire; Berenger; Geneloun ke pus fu tretre.

En le oost Charles avoyt ben dis mileN429 [N429] William's figures of the composition of Charlemagne's army, 10,000 knights from his own and foreign kingdoms in an overall total of 51,000 warriors, are in conflict with the Latin which has simply erat exercitus propriæ telluris Karoli XL milium militum (127 i).44 chivalers ke touz furunt de sa propre tere; e de autres teres e de autres regnes, ke vindrunt ou ly pur seinte cresteynté enhaucer, i o[ut] des hommes armés .li. mil, mes de ceus a pee ne il avoyt nul numbre. Tous les devaunt dis estoyent touz barouns e bons chivalers e amoyunt seynte crestienté. Kar si cum Deux Jesu Crist le mounde conquist ou cesA435 [A435] ous ces44 .xii. apostles par precher e par miracles, autresi Karlis le roy de Fraunce e emperour de Roume conquist tote Espayne ou le ayde de bons chivalersA438 [A438] chivalers44 ou l'ayde nostre Seygour.

Totes les oosz Charles sa asemblerunt es Laundas de Bordeus e coverirunt tote la tere de deus jornés de long e de lee, e l'em oiet les freyns dé civausN441 [N441] The noise in the Latin text is that of the troops themselves: fremitus illorum (127 xii). The addition of dé civaus might have resulted from a confusion on the part of the copyist between frainz noise and freinz bridles.44 se ke a .xii. lues. Ernaud de Bellaunde passa primeres les porz e vint a Pampiloyne. Aprés le suy Estouz de Lengres ou soun oost, e aprés Arastin ou soun oost, e aprés Engeler ou soun oost, e aprés Gundebuf le Frisoun ou soun oost, e aprés Oger ly Deneys ou soun oost, e Constantin ou soun oost. Dreynement vint Charles ou Rollant e ou Oliver ou totez lur oosz, e coverirent la tere de la rivere de Roume si ke a un monnt ke est a treys luees de la cité en la veye Seint Jake. Owt jures mistrent as poorz passer. Entretaunt maunda Charles a Agolaunt, ke estoyt en la cité, ke il ly [f.288c] rendist la cité ke il avoyt refete e garnye, ou ke il s'en issist a batayle countre luy. Agolaunt vout meut isseer a batayle ke rendre la cité e morer villeynement dedens, e maunda a Charles ke il donast congé taun ke il s'en fust issuz e out apparallé sa gent e out parlé a ly bouche a bouche. E pur ço le fist ke il le voleyt moust conustre.

Page 44

[XII. De disputacione Karoli et Aigolandi]

Les truues furunt donés e Agolaunt s'en issy de la cité a totes ses oosz. E les lessa tous joste la cité defors lé murs e vint ou cessaunte de ces privez devaunt Charles, ke estoyt a une luee de la cité. Le oost Agolaunt e le oost Charles estoyent en une mout bele pleyne e de loung e de lee sys lues, si ke la voye Seynt Jake departoust l'un e l'autre oost.

E kaunt Agolaunt fu venu devaunt nostre seigour le roy, il ly dist: 'Tu es', fist Charles,A465 [A465] charles45 'seil Agolaunt ke ma tere m'as tolue par treysoun.N465 [N465] The editors of the Latin Turpin texts are surprisingly unanimous in considering this sentence to be interrogative.45 Jo avoye conquis Espayne e GaliceN466b [N466bGalice for tellurem . . . gasconiam (129 xviii) is presumably an error of transmission.45 par la vertu nostre Segour e tot avoye mis a crestienté, e touz les roys feyseyount moun comaundement. E tu as occys nos cristiens taunk cum jo fu en Fraunce, e as destruytes mes cités e mes chasteus ars e tote la tere mys en fu e gasté, dount jo me pleint en present a nostre Seygour Jesu Crist'. Agolaunt fu mout lee kaunt il oyt Charles parler le sarrazinoys e s'en merveyla. Il le avoyt apris a Tolete ou il avoyt esté longement en sa juvente. Agolaunt respoundy a Charles: 'Jo te pri ke tu me dies par quele resoun tu as toleite a nostre gent la tere ou tu n'as nul droyt par [f.288d] heritage. Unkes toun pere n'y out reyn, ne toun besael, ne toun aeel, ne nul de tes auncestres'.

'Jo te diray', fet Charles. 'Pur ço ke nostre Seygour Jesu Crist le creatour du ceyl e de la tere ad elu nostre gent cristiene sour tote autre gent, pur ço ay converty vostre gent a la nostre ley'. 'Ceo ne estA482 [A482] est45 mye digne chose', fest Agolant, 'ke nostre gent seyt sormise a la vostre kaunt nostre loy vaut meut de la vostre. Nous awom Mauhommet, ke fu messager Deux, e Deux le nous enveya e nous tenoums ces comaundemens, e si awom Deux tot pussauntN486 [N486] The Latin has a plural: deos omnipotentes habemus (131 xx).45 ke nus fet a savver ço ke est a venyr, lequels nous conceyvoumsN487 [N487Conceyvoums rendering colimus (131 xxii) clearly has the sense of venerate, worship. This use of concevoir is unattested according to T.-L. (II 651) and the F.E.W. (II 1008), though Godefroy has three examples, in the form concivoir (II 220), with precisely this meaning.45 e par qy nus vivoum'.

'Agolaunt', dist Charles, 'en cel folies tu,A489 [A489] cele folie es tu45N489 [N489] In hoc erras (131 xxiii), rendered by Nicolas as en iço foleis tu (298.1) and Jehan tu foloies (XXVII 8).45 kar nous tenoums les comaundemens Dampnedeux, e vus creet e auorrez le enemy en vos ymages. Nous creum e aorrum Deux, Pere e Fiz e Seynt Espirist, et vus tenet les comaunde

Page 45

mens de un vayn homme. Par la loy ke nus tenoumys, irrunt nos almes en vie pardurable aprés la mort, et les vos en enfern. E par ço pert il beyn ke nostre loy vaut meuz de la vestre. E pur ço ke vus ne volet crere en Deux, ne conustre ne le voleet, pur ço ne devet vus aver heritage eu ceyl ne en tere. Pur laquele chose ou tu te baptize e si viveras, ou tu te combaz a moy e si murras malement'. 'Ce ne me avignye ja', fest Agolaunt, 'ke jo crestien devine e renye Mauhommet le tot pusaunt. Mé jo me combateray a toy par tel covenaunt ke si nostre loy plest plus a Deux ke la tue, vus seyet [f.289a] vencu, e si la tue li plest plus ke la nostre, nous seyom vencu. E doynt honur a vencour! E sachet, si ma gent est vencue, jo receyveray bapteme'.

Ce fu octreyé de amepars. E tauntost elurunt vyns Sarazins contre vynt cristiens e se combatirunt. Je ne pus ne ne say acounter touz les coups, mé ben say ke les cristiens occirunt les Sarazyns. Aprés reenvoyerunt cent countre cent, e furunt occys les Sarazyns. Aprés reenvoyerunt cent contre cent. Nos cristyens ourent le pys e tournerunt le dos, mes ly Sarazyns les ateinstrent e occistrent.

Ore sachet certeynement ke ceus ke se combatunt pur la foy Jesu Crist ne devunt en nule manere fuyer arere. Kar si cum ceus furunt occys pur ço ke il fuerunt arere, autresy nous quy nus devom cumbatre countre les vices, nous tour[n]oum arere de la batayle, e si nos enemys nous occyunt, ço [est] le deble.N516 [N516] This sentence in the Latin is conditional: si retro reversi fuerint (135 v).46 Mes si nous combatom forment, nous averum pardurable vie. E Deux nous le doyntA519 [A519] les doynt46 si fere ke nous oyom sa voyz au jugement kant il dira: 'Venez avaunt, ly benurez, receyvet le regne ke vus est apparaylé du comencement du secle'.N519 [N519] Sed si bene contra vicia pugnant, hi inimicos, id est dæmones . . . facile occidunt. Non coronabitur quis, inquit apostolus, nisi qui legitime certaverit (135 vi). Some four chapters earlier (295), this same biblical quotation (2 Tim. 2, 5) had figured in a similar context (cf. 113 xvi), and, wishing no doubt to avoid repetition, William now replaces it by a passage which he takes from St. Matthew's Gospel (25, 34), shifting the emphasis of the exhortation to defeat evil on to the more tangible result of a victory over sin. This alteration would appear to have been inspired by the presence, at the end of the following chapter, of this moralizing lesson drawn from Charlemagne's uncharitable treatment of the poor of his retinue: Quomodo audient vocem dominicam terribilem dicentem: Discedite a me, maledicti, ite in ignem æternum. Quia esurivi et non dedisti michi manducare, et cetera? (139 xx). Using once again his knowledge of the Scriptures, William, alone of the Turpin translators, is to expand this truncated quotation from Matthew (41, 3) by adding to the Latin the two particular examples which remain pertinent to the context of the maltreated paupers: jo avoy soyfe ne me donastes pas a beyvere; jo fu now, wus ne me vestistes (577). Another example of William's acquaintance with the Bible is to be found in his treatment of the Old Testament illustrations of God's deliverance of the Jews in Roland's prayer of ch. XXXIII. He translates the first of these, the crossing of the Red Sea, but replaces the Latin examples concerning Seon and Og by references to Jonah and Susannah (1476 and note). Though less direct, scriptural influence is probably also to be seen in the translator's interpolation on the Day of Judgement (579-82), and his amplified description of Charlemagne as vestu del hauberk de justise e ceynt du brant de dreyture (889).46

Lors enveyerunt deus cent countre deus cent, e furunt occys li Sarazyns. La truue fu doné de amedeus pars, e vint Agolaunt a Charlis e parla a ly. E dist ben ke la loy crestiene valoyt meuz ke la soue e promist a l'emperere ke l'endemeyn receyverout bapteme. Il prist congé e repeyra a ces gens e lour comaunda ke eus se [f.289b] feysunt tusA528 [A528] tus46 baptizer. Ly uns le graunterunt e les autres refuserunt.

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[XIII. De pauperibus]

L'endemayn, endreyt le oure de terce, ke la truue fu doné de aler e de vener, vint Agolaunt a Charles pur estre baptizé. Ly empereres manjout a sa table, e mous avoyt tables assyses entour la sowe e mout i manjount gent de diverse manere: eweckes, abbés, moynes, chanones, chivalers, clers, prestres. Agolaunt salua Charles e il ly. Agolaunt esgarda checune gent par sey, e se merveyla des vestures dé gens diverses e demaunda a Charles de quele manere de gent se estoyent. Charles ly respoundy: 'Ces ke tu voys vestu de birre de une colour, ces sunt ewekes e prestres de nostre loy, ke nous enseygunt e espoununt les comaundemens de la loy, e nous assoyllunt de nos pechés e donunt la beneysoun nostre Seygour. Ceus ke tu veys vestu de noyres vestures, ces sunt abbés e moyns, plus sayns e plus religious ke ces autres, kar il ne finient de prier nostre Seigour pur nous. Ces autres ke tu voys vestu de ces blauncs dras, ces sunt chanoynes reulés ke sivuntA546 [A546] sivunt lacks one minim47 la sute as seyns hommes ke ja furunt,N547 [N547] William's variant rendering of meliorum sanctorum (137 xiv) is shared also by Nicolas: qui furent ja au siegle (299.20 var).47 e ne cessunt de chaunter matines, messes e compelins e vesperis pur nous'.

Entretaunt Agolaunt esgarda une part en un angle e vyt tresze povers mout malurez e de povere abit, e seyent a tere saun table e avoyent poy a manger e meyns a bevere. Agolaunt demaunda a Charles de quele manere [f.289c] de gent ço furunt. Charles ly respoundy: 'Ces sunt la gent Deux. Ço sunt les messegers nostreA554 [A554] messegers deux expunged nostre47 Seygour, ke nous pessoum en soun noun e des douze apostles checoun jour'. Agolaunt respoundy: 'Ceus ke entour toy seount, benurés sunt e tens sunt, benurément manjount e beivunt. Ces ke tu dys ke sount la gent a toun deux e ces messagers, pur [quey]A559 [A559] pur co47 murrunt il de feym? Purquey sunt il si malement vestuz? Purquey sunt il si loyns de toy e sunt si malement treyté? Ta loy ke tu dysoyes ke si estoyt bone, si demoustre tu ke ele est mauveyse. Mau cert soun seygour ke si malement treyte sa gent. GrauntA563 [A563] graunt47 hounte fest a soun deux ke ces serjauns meyne en tele manere'.

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Il demaunda congé e prist batayleA565 [A565] batayle48 l'endemeyn a Charles. Nostre empereres vist ben e sout ke Agolaunt avoyt refusé bapteme pur les poveres ke il vist si malement treteyr, e comaunda ke l'em amenast touz les poveris ke l'em pout trover en le oost. Il furent amenez, e il les fist ben vesteyr e doner a beyvere e a manger.

Pur ço apert ke checun crestien en doyt honurer les poveres. Kar si cum le roy Charles perdy Agolaunt a baptizer pur les povers ke il vist si myseysés, ke cera il de ceus au jour ke taunt fest a doter ky malement averunt treyté les poveres? Coment oyrunt il la voys nostre Seygour ke dira: 'Disseveret vus de moy, ly maloytz de moun Pere, kar jo avoy feym e vus ne me donastes mye a manger; jo avoy soyf e ne me donastes pas a beyvere; jo fu now, wus ne [f.289d] me vestistes'?LaN579 [N579La is here used temporally (cf. T.-L. V 17): When that day comes, it will be of no use . . .. The translator adds his own admonition to those who do not honour the poor with a 35-word interpolation which is obviously modelled on biblical sources.48 nen avera mester pleydour ne fauz temoyne, kar a chaskounA580 [A580] chas kaunt48N580 [N580] A jump by the scribe's eye to kaunt of the line below might account for the form chaskaunt.48 serunt escrites totes ces overs enmy le frount, kaunt ke il avera fest pus ke il fust neez, e receyvera checoun soulum sa merite. Ore sachet saun doute ke la loyA583 [A583] loy48 Deux e sa creaunce valunt moust poy en crestienté si les overys ne i soyunt, kar l'escripture nous dist: 'Sy cum le cors feet ke est mort saunz l'alme, autresy est la creaunce morte sauns les bones overis'. Si cum li roys payn ne vout receyvere bapteme pur ço ke il ne vit mye en Charles les overys de bapteme, autresi crien jo mout e dout ke nostre Seigour nous refust en soun regne s'il ne veyt en nous les overis de bapteme.

[XIV. De morte Aigolandi regis]

A l'endemeyn s'asemblerunt touz les oosz en chaump pur cumbatre, e l'ost Agolaunt estoyt deus cent mile,N592 [N592] In all the Latin texts except the short, embellished family, it is the Christians who outnumber the Saracens by 134,000 to 100,000 (141 vii). Nicolas, following the embellished tradition (ed. Smyser XVII 3 var) increases Agolant's troops to 300,000 (301.2), William to 200,000.48 e Charles cent e trente quatre mile. Nos crestiens firunt quatre escheles, e li Sarazyns cing. La primere companye des Sarazyns vint avaunt pur cumbatre countre une des nos, e fu venquee tauntost. La secunde companye des Sarazyns vint avaunt, e une des nos vint countre cele, e s'entrenvairent. Li Saracines ne porrent suffrier, ainz furent vencuz tauntost. E quant li autres Sarasines virent les lour vencuz,

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il se unerunt ensemble tot en un taas, e ly nostre les ateinstrent de tote pars. De l'une part les ateinstN600 [N600] The original must have read aceinstrent and aceinst, translating accinxerunt and accinxit (141 xii).49 Ernaut de Bellaunde ou soun oost; de l'autre part Estouz li quens de Langres ou soun oost; d'autre part Arastin de Bretayne ou soun oost; de autre part Gundebof le roy de Frise ou soun oost; d'autre part Ogeier de [f.290a] Denemarche ou soun oost; d'autre part Neymes de Baiver ou soun oost, cumme pordumme e tres sage; de autre part Constantyn le provosz de Roume ou son oost; d'autre part Charles e jo Turpyn, e Rollaunt e Olyver les dux des oosz;e cornames nos busyns e nous embatimys sur eus e mouz en occimys. E lors Ernaut de Bellaunde ou soun oost s'embaty sus eus cum bon chivaler e mout en occist, e ala parmy eus disrumpaunt les presses e feraunt a destre e a senestre, e occyst kaun k'il attynoust. E ala deke la ou Agolaunt estoyt e s'en combaty a ly mout longement e le occist.

Kaunt ly Sarazins surent ço, il leverunt un graunt cry e comencerunt a ulerN617a [N617a] A correction of the MS. reading as uler to a usler is probably unnecessary in view of similar misuses of s elsewhere in the text, e.g. 146, 172, 435 var, 519 var, 1024, 1108, 1122, 1133, 1170, 1263 var.49 com lous,A617 [A617] as uler com lours49N617b [N617b] The image is the translator's, and it is doubtful whether l'ours was originally intended. The copyist had already experienced difficulty with the word lous at 234.49 e jeterunt lour armes e se en partirent touz, l'un sa e l'autre la. E ly cristiens lour cururent sure e mous en occirent, taunk ke il furent en sank si ke a chevilles des pees. E aprés cele victorie entrerunt en la cité de Pampilune e occistrent tous les Sarazyns. Nul ne eschapa de la batayle, fors souleme[n]t Ebrahim li roys de Sibilie e Laumaçor li roys de Cordres; ceus s'enfuerunt ou poy de gent.

Ore sachet ben ke Charles venky pur ço ke il combatoyt pur la loy nostre Seygour Jesu Crist, dount il apertA626 [A626] aveint49N626 [N626] The emendation of aveint to apert is suggested not only by the sense of the passage, but also by the Latin pateret (143 xi); cf. also apert 939 translating patet (173 vii).49 ke la loy crestyene vaut meut ke nule autre. Charles en out mou grant joye de si graunt victorie, e vint si ke a Pount d'Arche e illuc s'en herberja ou soun oost.

[XV. De christianis qui ad illicita spolia redierunt]

Ore oyez graunt mesaventure! Coveytise, dount nul homme eu munde n'est neez, se mist en plusurs de nos cristiens. [f.290b] E s'en emblerunt la nust de le oost, si ke Charles ne sout mot, e vindrunt la ou la batayle avoyt esté. E despollerent les mors Sarazyns e pristrent lour vestures e oor e argent e kaun ke il troverunt, e se mistrent vers la

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herbageN636 [N636Herbage, if understood as meadow, might conceivably refer back to the place of Charlemagne's encampment mentioned three chapters earlier as en une mout bele pleyne (462), although it seems more likely that it is simply a scribal alteration of an original herberge or perhaps herbergage, especially in view of the Latin ad castra Karoli redire cœperunt (145 ii). Similar forms, herbeges and herbeja, are encountered in a late thirteenth century A.-N. copy of the Jehan Turpin, MS. Oxford, Bodleian, Hatton 67 (communication from Professor Walpole).50 arere. Mes endementers ke il s'en aloent, Laumaçor de Cordres e ses gens les virent. Il se estoyent moucés pur les crestiens. Il les virent desarmez e les assayllerunt e les occistrent touz, si ke unkes un soul n'y remist; A639 [A639] entour ben estoyent mile50ben estoyent entour mile.

Iceus resemblunt ceuz ke unt gerpy le secle e pus revenunt arere. Kar si cum ceus ke urunt vencu lour enemys retournerent arere e furent occys, autresi cely ke a vencu les vices e sa penitence prise retourne arere as mors, ce sunt a vices, il serunt occys de lour enemys, ço sunt debles. E si cum ceus furent mors de leyde mort e perdirent le secle, autresi li religiousA647 [A647] religiouns50 hummes ke le secle unt perduzN647 [N647] This unusual use of unt perduz to translate dimiserunt (145 xiii) might be explained as a copyist's error for gerpiz, or perhaps by the proximity of perdirent and perdunt in adjacent lines.50 e pus revynunt arere, perdunt vye pardurable e enbracent feu permanable.

[XVI. De bello Furre]

A l'endemayn fu nuncyé Charles ke a Mount Garzyn estoyt uns prince de Navare e avoyt a noun Forrez, e ço voylet cumbatre a ly. Charles vint a Mount Jarzyn e maunda a Forrez ke il se combatoroyt a ly l'endemayn. Forrez le graunta.

Au soyr devaunt ke la batayle devoyt estre l'endemayn, Charles pria nostre Seygour ke il ly demoustrat lesqueus dé soens deveyunt moryr en la batalye. Li jour aprés, kaunt Charles e sa gent furent armez en chaump, un signe de croys apparut tot rouges sur les espaules e sur les haubers de ces ke deveyunt moryr en la batayle. [f.290c] E cum Charles vist ço il les fist enclore en un mouster, e ala a la batayle e venqui Forrez, e nos crestiens occistrent treys mile dé Navareys, e ly autres s'enfuerunt. Charles repeyra a mouster e entra eyns, e trova mors touz ces ke il avoyt encloos. Il s'en repenty moust e cria mercy. Il fist ke sages, kar moust est fous ke voyt Deux assayer e defere ço ke il ad estably ke doyt estre feest. Il les fist enfoueyr en Aleschauns;N664 [N664] Quos custodia retruserat Karolus, reperrit exanimatos. Et erat numerus illorum circiter CL. O Christi pugnatorum sanctissima caterva! quam si gladius persecutoris non abstulit, palmam tamen martirii non amisit (147 viii). The presence of a somewhat similar moral in Jehan (car Deus lor avoit porveu, et ce que Deus a porveu ne puet estre destorné, XXXIII 19) may point to a common variant in the Latin source. It has the ring of a gloss on the quam incomprehensibilia sunt iudicia Dei et investigabiles viæ eius (Romans 11, 33) of five lines earlier in the printed Latin text.50N667 [N667] This information is not given in the Latin until the actual burial of the warriors in ch. XXVIII. Although William, unlike Jehan, never radically alters the order of the Latin narrative, some further minor changes may be noted here. The Latin legem tuam quam dicebas esse bonam nunc ostendis falsam (139 viii) is in our translation placed two sentences earlier than in the original (561). William had relegated the names of the two survivors from the Battle of Pamplona (143 vi) to the end of the passage in question where they do not interfere with the battle narrative (622). In the same way he postpones the actual naming of Feracutus (676) until the end of the introduction to ch. XVII (147 xv). He mentions Roland's surviving the Battle of Roncevaux (1037) some five lines before the Latin (183 xv). The fact that Tierry was an eye-witness to the death of Roland is to be found ten lines earlier in the Latin text (199 vi) than in William's translation (1187). In the theological debate of ch. XVII, the comparison in temetipso from the illustrations of the Trinity is brought forward from some eight lines later in the Latin (157 iv) and placed at the head of the list (770). William breaks the long passage explaining the Resurrection (159 x) into two halves by isolating the example of the lioness resuscitating her cubs and placing it seven lines later (813) than in the Latin.50 ben furunt cent e .l. E pur ço si les Sarazyns ne les occistrent, pur ço ne furent mye perduz. Charles prist Mount Jarzyn ou tote Navare.

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[XVII. De bello Ferracuti gigantis et de obtima disputacione Rotolandi]

Aprés fu dist a nostre empereres pur voyr ke a Nazeres avoyt un jeaunt, e estoyt du linnage Golyas. E estoyt venuz de Surye ou vynt mile [TursXX milibus Turcorum (147 xvi). ], kar ly amyraunz de Babiloyne l'y avoyt envoyé pur cumbatre a nos crestiens. Icesty jeaunt ne cremoyt ne launce ne espee ne sette e avoyt la force de quaraunte hommes, e estoyt appelé Ferraguz. Charles ala a Nazeres,A677 [A677] Nazeres51 e tauntost cum le jeaunt sout sa venue, il s'en issy de la cité touz souls e demaunda batayle de un chivaler countre ly. Nostre emperers ly enveya Ogier ly Danoys tot armés, e cum li jeaunt l'oust esgardé, il ala swef juste ly e l'embrasa en ces bras tot armez e l'enporta veyaunt touz en soun chatthel autresi cum un aignelet. L'estature de ly estoyt doze coutes, e le vys de un coute, soun nees de une paume mesuré, ses bras de quatre coutes, ses quisses de quatre, ses deys de treys paumes. Adonkes enveya Charles a ly Reynalt de Aubeespine [f.290d] ke mout estoyt bon chivalers, e il [l']enporta ou l'un bras en soun chastel. Encore li envoya Charles Constantyn le provostz de Roume e Hoel li quens de Nauntes, e il amedeus les enporta, l'un a destre l'autre a senestre, en soun chattel e les mist en prisoun ou les autres. E uncore ly enveya Charlys vynt pur cumbatre, e il deus e deus les mist en prisoun.

E kaunt Charles vit ço, il ço merveyla e ne osa unke pus envoyer pur cumbatre. Rollant, le bons dux des oosz, nevu Charles, vint a soun uncle e ly dist: N695 [N695] Vix impetrata a rege licencia (149 xviii). The introduction of direct speech into his translation is a means of dramatizing the Latin narrative which William employs elsewhere: e.g. Rollant . . . ly dist: 'Beuz douz frere, queret moy a beyvere' (1151; cf. Latin 195 viii); dist: 'Beus sire, vostre uncles . . .' (1466; cf. 235 xviii); dist a Rollant: 'Sire, mercy, kar jo fray kaunc ke vus plera' (1084; cf. 187 vii). On other occasions our translator transposes the direct discourse of his original into conversational dialogue: e.g. Veraciter, rex, scias quia Rotolandi animam cum multis animabus aliorum Christianorum beatus Michael archangelus deducit in celum (203 xvi)– 'Sire, sachet ke vostre nevus est mort.' 'De queus nevus me dites vus?' fist cyl. 'Sire, de Rollant, e seynt Mikaeus . . .' (1212); regi dormienti beatus Dionisius apparuit, eum excitavit dicens, "Illis qui . . ." (219 xviii)–Ly seynz apparut la noyt a Charles e ly dist: 'Dors tu?' 'Nenyl,' dist Charles. 'Ke estes vus?' 'Jo su Dynys, e sachet ben ke touz ceus ke . . .' (1365); et dixi novissimo cui primum locutus fueram, "Quid egistis?" Et dæmon: "Gallecianus," inquit . . . (229 xxi)–e ly dreyns me dist: 'Ke voys tu?' 'Jo voyl ke tu me dys qe vus avet feet'. Il me respondi: 'Tot awom perdu.' Jo ly dys: 'Coment?' 'Jo le te diray,' fist il. 'Uns Galiciens . . .' (1425). We may also note the particular use made of the phrase Jo le te diray with which William intersperses his dialogues: 479, 737, 751, 778, 784, 793, 1049, 1428. In the same way he punctuates his translation of the theological debate of ch. XVII with small talk: volenteres (769), entent (784), ço ne pust avenyr (763), tu ne dis nule chose (805), si tu ne entend ço, dounc ne entenz tu nule chose (810), uncore ne entend jo pas (811).51'Beus uncles, lesset moy aler combatre a ço jeaunt pur le honur Deux acrestre'. Charles out mou graunt poour, kar il estoyt jovene bacheler, e il le amoust moud tendrement. Mes kaunt il vist le bon queer, il li dona cungé e le seigna. Rollant se fist armer e ala encountre le jeaunt.

Ferragu, tantost cum il le vist, poynt encountre ly e ly prist ou une soule mayn cum il avoyt fest les autres, e le mist sur le cool soun chival. Rollant se en fya en Deux e ço forsa, e prist le jeaunt par le mentoun e le reversa sour la crupe du chival. E taunt toyllerunt ke il cheerunt amedeus

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de lour chivaus, e remounterent checun desour soun chival.N705 [N705] The translator appears to forget that Feracutus and Roland were on the same horse: ceciderunt ambo . . . de equo (151 iv).52 Rollant trest se espee e quyda ferer le jeaunt, mes il genchy e il trencha le chival par my tot a un coup. E kaunt Ferragu fu a pee, il trest se espee e quida ferer Rollant, mes Rollant le fery ançoys de se espeye eu braz. Il ly ne fist nul mal, mes il ly fist voler l'espeye du poyge. Ferragu fu mout irrez, e clost le poyng e quida ferer Rollant.N711 [N711] The addition of Feracutus's anger to the Latin (151 xii) is also echoed in the Grandes Chroniques: qui trop fu correchiez (p. 43). William has a habit of inserting such emotive details into his text with no counterpart in the Latin: e.g. il s'en repenty moust e cria mercy (664), e ourent graunt joye de Rollant (847), il se doterunt (873), Rollant, kaunt il les vit, fu mout lés (1077), ly Sarazyn out mou graunt poour de morir (1083), e kaunt il vit ço, mout ço merveyla (1135). Explanatory remarks are also occasionally added, such as cum c'yl le vousyt occire (1080), kar il estoyt pres de la mort (1150), par condust (1380), as well as a whole series of minor embellishments: en un angle (549), e ly coverit tote la teste si ke a pis (863), e mout hydous (1068) etc. Cf. also note to l. 850 below.52 Mes Rollant saly [f.291a] a senestre, e li jeaunt fery le chival Rollant du poyng eu frount, e il cheit mort ignelepas. LorsA714 [A714] lors52 furent amedeus a pee.

Kant il avespera, Ferragu demaunda trues a Rollaunt, e firent covenaunce entre eus ke il revendroyent l'endemayn en chaump saunz chivauz e saunz lances. Chechoun ala a soun hostel, e revindrunt l'endemeyn a lour batayle si cum il urent devisé. Ferragu apporta se espeye, mes rens ne ly valoyt, kar Rollant aportaA721a [A721a] aporta52 un bastoun retorsA721b [A721b] remers52N721 [N721] None of the senses attested for O.F. ramier in T.-L. (VIII 253) is applicable here, and there can be little doubt that MS. remers is a scribal corruption of retors as found in other Turpin translations for Latin retortum (151 xxii).52 e gros e long, e en fery tot le jour le jeaunt mout graunt coups. Mes il le blesça mout poy e si ly fery mout dé grosses peres ke estoyent eu chaump, e reyn ne valust. Eissy se combatyrent tot le jour si ke a middy, taunk ke Ferragu out somoyl e requist trues de Rollant ke il puse dormyr. Rollant ly graunta. Rollant fu jovencel e envoysez, e prist une pere e la mist au chevezA728 [A728] cheveuz52N728 [N728] The Latin capiti eius (153 vi) suggests that chevez was the original form.52 au jeaunt ke il pout dormer plus volenters. Nul crestien ne l'ossastA729 [A729] nyl ossast52 occyre, kar la coustume estoyt lors tele ke si un crestyen donast truues a un Sarazyn, ou un Sarazyn a un crestyen, nul ne [mes]feyst a l'autre.N731 [N731] Nullus ei iniuriam faceret (153 ix).52 E si akouns frainsist la truue, ke le assaylit saun difiaunce ou le occist, mayntenaunt, ke ky fust ou haut ou bas, il fust occys.

E kaunt Ferragu out asset dormy, il s'eveyla, e Rollant s'asist jouste ly e ly comensa a enquere coment ço avenoyt ke il ne cremoyt launce ne espeye ne nule autre arme. 'Jo te diray,' fest ly jeaunt. 'Jo ne pus morir fors par le noumbryl, ne estre naufrez'.N739 [N739] Vulnerari . . . non possum nisi per umbilicum (153 xv). Sometimes, as here, William appears to have translated too hastily, and he corrects himself, as it were, in retrospect. Other examples are ke cité fust (102), fist Charles (465), e les nervys (1139), e ces oys (1166); cf. also note to l. 1186.52 [f.291b] E kaunt Rollant oy ço, il tourna autre part lo oriel e fist semblaunt cum c'yl ne le out mye entendu. Ferragu parla espayneysN741 [N741] By yspanica (153 xvi) is meant, as Nicolas rightly translates, sarrazinois (305.23). Cf. William's sarrazinoys at 473.52 ke Rollant entendy ben. E lyA742 [A742] e ly ly second expunged52 jeauns: 'Coment as tu a noun?' 'Jo ay a

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noun Rollant.' 'E de quel linage es tu ke si combates a moy? Unkes mes nul homme ne me poeyt taunt lasser'. 'Jo su Fraunçoys,' dist Rollaunt. 'De quele loy sunt Fraunceys?' Rollant ly respondy: 'Nous sumes par la grace Deux cristyens, e avvom cest noun de Crist nostre creatourN747 [N747] The etymologizing is the translator's. Such pious embroideries from William's pen are frequent: e.g. Sarracenorum (87 vii)–enemys Deux les Sarazins (37), also la gent mescreaunte (158); Moabitarum (91 xviii)–des trechers ke Jesu Crist despisoyunt (87); perfidorum (197 i)–orgoluz . . . trechers ke [Jesu] ne amoyent (1172). Among the more extensive of such additions which the translator incorporates into his text one might quote: mes la vertuz nostre Seygour e soun benfere le defendy de mort (357), amoyunt seynte crestienté (434), par precher e par miracles (436), (coveytise) dount nul homme eu munde n'est neez (630), pur nous ouster de enfern ou nous estoyoum (752), ke touz jours fu e est e sera saunz fyn (754), si cum Deux voleyt (1074), dount nostre Sire nous face parsoners (1201).53 e fesoum ces comaundemens. Pur esausser sa foy nous cumbatoum a nos pouers'. E kaunt Ferragu oy le noun de Crist, il dist a Rollant: 'Ky est cesty Crist en ky tu croys?' 'Jo le te diray,' fest Rollant. 'Il est fiz Deu ke nasqui de la Virge e fu pené en la croiz pur nous ouster de enfern ou nous estoyoum; e fu mys en sepucre e resuscita le tyrz jour de mort a vye, e seet a la destre soun pere ke touz jours fu e est e sera saunz fyn'.

'Nous creum,' fest li jeauns, 'ke ly creatour du ceel e de la tere est uns deux, e si cum il ne fust unkes engendré de nulhy, autresy ne engendra il nulhi ounkes. Donkes,' fest Ferragu, 'est il un deux e noum pas troys'. 'Tu dis voyr,' fest Rollant, 'ke il est un deux, mes la ou tu dys ke il ne est pas en troys, illuc trespasses tu. Si tu croys eu Pere, dounc croys tu eu Fiz e eu Seynt Espirit, e parmeynt un deux en troys personys'. 'Ço ne pust avenyr', fest ly jeaunt. 'Si li Peris est un deux e ly Fiz un deux e ly Seynt Espirist un deux, dounc sount il treys deux, e tu dis ke ne est ke un'. [f.291c] 'Noun fas',A766 [A766] Noun ii a53N766 [N766] As a contradiction of the pagan's tu dis 765 and an antecedent to Roland's corrective mé jo preche 766, the emendation Noun fas seems preferable to Noun, [un] i a. The Latin has Nequaquam (155 xv).53 fest Rollant, 'mé jo preche un deux en trois persones. Totes ceus persones sunt oueles, kar tel cum est le Peres, tel est le Fiz e le Seynt Espiriz'. 'Ce me moustre tu,' festA769 [A769] fest fest first expunged53 Ferragu, 'coment il sunt troys en un.' 'Volenteres,' fest Rollant, 'par toy meymes. En toy i a treys choses, cors e membre e alme, e si n'est ke un cors. En la arpe i a treys choses ke la fount soner, la mayn, l'engyn, les cordes, e si n'est ke une harpe. Eu solayl i a troys choses, sa blaunchour, la resplendour, la chalour, e si n'est ke un solayl. Autresy a yl troys choses en nostre Seygour, e si n'est ke un deux'.

'Ore enten ge,' fet Ferragu, 'ke Deux a troys choses e si n'est ke un deux, mes jo ne vey pas cum le Pere engendraA777 [A777] engendra53 le Fiz'. 'Jo le diray', fest Rollaunt. 'Ne crees tu ke Deux fist Adam?' 'Oyl'. 'Autresi,' fest Rollaunt, 'cum Adam ne fust unkes engendré de nul e nepurkaunt si engendra il fiz,

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autresi Deux ne fust engendré de nul e engendra de soy meyme fiz du comencement du munde'. 'Ore me plest mout,' fest Ferragu, 'ço ke tu dys, mes coment put Deus devener homme?' 'Entent,' fet Rollant, 'jo le te diray tantoust. Cyl Deux ke fist ceyl e tere e totes choses de neynt, ço Deux fist soun fiz estre homme e nestre de la Virge saunz semence de homme'. 'Coment put cest estre,' fet Ferragu, 'ke il nasqui de la Virge saunz semence de homme?' 'Cely,' fest Rollant, 'ke fist Adam nestre saunz semence de homme, cely fist nestre soun fiz saun semence, ço [est] de la Virge'.

'Ce put ben avener,' fet li [f.291d] jeaunt, 'ke il nasqui de la Virge, mes cy il fust Deux, coment pout il morer?' 'Jo le te diray,' fet Rollant. 'Tu ses ben ke Adam manja du frut deveyé, e par ço fuA795 [A795] co frut expunged fu54 il perdu e toz nous. Mes Deux en out pous de nousA796 [A796] de nous54 pité ke nous out fest e vout ke homme se amendast ço ke homme avoyt forfet. Ben nous pout touz sauver par sa volenté, mes il le fist par greyn[dre] droyt;N798 [N798] The MS. reading can best be explained by supposing an error by haplology in copying an original, ungrammatical greyndre droyt.54 pur ço ke il ne put morier pur nous en la nature ou il estoyt, pur ço se vesty de char e de sank e se lessa mettre en la croyz pur nous e au terce jour resuscita'.N794 [N794] This is the most extensive interpolation introduced by William into his text. Feracutus, pursuing his remarkable initiation in Christian dogma, enquires of Roland how the son of an immortal God could possibly die. The reply is: si natus est ut homo, igitur mortuus est ut homo. Quia omnis qui nascitur, moritur (159 vii). Evidently not content with such a baldly logical explanation, our translator is led to exert his own doctrinal intellect. Shifting the focus of interest on to why God assumed human form, William explains that, instead of merely willing man's redemption by divine decree, God brought this about in a more tangible and just way, redeeming man's original sin by his own physical death on the cross. This more illustrative and, perhaps, theologically satisfying explanation from the translator's pen is in some ways an improvement on the original, though it does lose the straightforward tone of the Latin. Cf. Jehan who also apparently strays from the Latin here to interpolate Deus reçut com hom mort en la croiz; mort, di je, que l'umaine char en la croiz dormi, et la deïtez veilloit qui tot gardoit (XXXVIII 15).54 'Rollant,' fet Ferragu, 'purqey dis tu taunt osciouseN802 [N802Osciouse, translating inania (159 xiii), is attested elsewhere in A.-N. as occiose (Godefroy V 566; cf. F.E.W. VII 444, and T.-L. VI 974), and would appear to be a learned form of O.F. oiseus influenced by Latin otiosus. (Cf. also in our text spellings such as retortes 1069, fantame 1122, vigiliis 1445, ewangelys 939, aeyr 232, Pipin 160, cristyen 173, etc.)54 chose? Sy tu dis ke il fu homme e morust, purquey dis tu dounc ke il resuscita de mort a vie? Sy il fut homme, dounc ne pout il resusciter, et si fu Deux, dounc ne pout il morir'. 'Tu ne dis nule chose',N805 [N805] The remark tu ne dis nule chose (you are talking nonsense?) has no counterpart in the Latin (159 xv). A possible emendation would be tu n'e[nten]dis nule chose (cf. ne end jo pas 811 for ne en[ten]d jo pas), though this would give a pret. where a pres. is expected.54 fet Rollant. 'Le Fiz Deux suffry mort en char e la char renetquy en Deux. Dounc ne pout il resusciter soy meymes ke resuscita autre mors? Dounc ne pout il resusciter soy kaunt ses disciples resusciterunt autres mors par sa creaunce? Si tu ne entend ço, dounc ne entenz tu nule chose.'

'Uncore ne en[ten]d jo pas', fet Ferragu, 'ke il resuscita a terce jour'. 'Un example te moustray', fet Rollant. 'Si la leonesse resuscite sé founs mors par sa aleyne, est ço merveyle si Deux resuscita soun Fiz au ters jour?' 'Ore entenk,' fet Ferragu, 'mes jo ne vey pas coment il persa les cels e mounta la sous'. 'De leger mounta', fet Rollant, 'ke de leger en descendy. Ne veys tu la roe du mulyn? Dount ele [f.292a] descent, mounte ele arere. Tu meyme, si tu

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descens de un g[r]aunt mount, tu pus remounter arere. Le solayl leva her en orient e ço cocha en occident e refu hoy arere en le orient. Ly FizA821 [A821] Ly fiz55 mounta legerement la dount il descendy'.

'Dount me combateray jo a toy', fest Ferragu, 'par teu covenaunt ke si la foy e la creaunce est voyre ke tu me dys, jo soye venqu, e si ele ne est, tu soys venqu. E [Deux] doynt la reproche a la gant du vencu touz jurs, e graunt honur au venquor!' 'Eissi le gré jo', fest Rollant.N742 [N742] The theological discourse between Roland and Feracutus, which covers some 100 lines in the Latin text (153 xxii-161 xv) is reduced by William to some two-thirds of its original length. A more fluent and conversational tone is imparted to the text; statements and illustrations are often curtailed and stripped down to bare essentials, while some, such as the ten-line passage on self-procreating animals (157 xxiv), are dispensed with completely. J. A. Noonan's statement (art. cit., p. 249) that William has obviously little liking for the lengthy religious discussions and moral applications of which the Latin chronicle is full needs, however, some qualification, for our translator's overriding preoccupation is to reduce the verbosity rather than the religious content of the Latin, which may be simplified but is never ignored. In fact there is every indication that William was quite at ease in the homiletic atmosphere of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle.55

Tauntost se cururent sure cum deux lyouns. Ferragu trest le espeyeN829 [N829] The drawing of the sword, which is independent of the Latin (161 xxi), also figures in Nicolas's translation (308.22).55 e quida ferir Rollant, mes Rollant saly a senestre e resout le coup sor soun bastoun. Ferragu coupa le bastoun e prist Rollant par my les flans e le jeta souz ly a tere. Lors sout ben Rollant ke il ne porreyt eschaper en nule manere, e appella ma dame seynte Marie, la porte de paradys, l'esteyle tres clere, ke est socours a bosoynous, medicine a ses precheours, mere as orphanines, ke nul ne nule ne porreyt ben de ly assommer.N833 [N833] This tribute of praise to the Virgin, to whom the church of which William de Briane appears to have been an incumbent, Whitchurch-on-Thames in Oxfordshire, is dedicated (see J. Slatter, Some Notes on the History of the Parish of Whitchurch (London, 1895)), is the translator's own interpolation and adaptation of the Latin cœpit in auxilium invocare filium beatæ virginis Mariæ (163 i). It is interesting to note that Jehan has also intercalated a prayer at this point: Deus, ce voiz tu que por rien nule ne me combat se por ta foi non essaucier. Sire, esclaire ton non por toi, non por ton serf (XLI 1).55N835 [N835] The sense here seems to be that no one person could enumerate all the many aspects of the Virgin's beneficence. On the various figurative meanings of assomer and somer, which range from sum up and resume to accomplish, add up, give a complete account of, see T.-L. I 602, and Godefroy I 448-9, VI 469-70.55 La mere Deux oy sa priere e pria soun cher fiz ke ly aydast. E tauntost, par la priere sa chere filieN838 [N838Sa chere filie, which is not easily understandable in the context, must be a transformation of soun cher fiz made in anticipation of mere.55 e sa mere, Rollant c'en asforsa mout durement e se leva poy e poy e, par la vertu nostre Seigour, mist le jeaunt desout ly e poynt un poy eu numbril e se court de ly. E tauntost li jeaunt comensa a crier mout en haut: 'Mahoumet, Mahoumet, moun deux, socoret moy kar jo mur!' E kaunt ly Sa [f.292b] razyns oyerent la voys, il accurerent e l'emporterent en lour bras en la cité, e Rollant repeyra a sens tout seyns e heytés. E de meyntenaunt nos cristiens les suerunt e pristrent la cité e trestrent hors nos chivaleris de prisoun, e ourent graunt joye de Rollant.

[XVIII. De bello larvarum]

Aprés ceste victorie fu nuncié a nostre empereres ke a Cordres estoyt Ebrahim ly roys de Sybilie e Laumaçor de Cordres ke estoent eschapé de la batayle ou Agolaunt fu occys,N850 [N850] Nicolas also reads la batailla ou Aiguolanz fu ocis (309.14), whereas the Latin has bello pampilonensi (163 xvi). William is frequently to be found clarifying the elliptical Latin narrative in this way: e.g. miserum ilium (ed. Smyser VII 27)–le cheytif ke avoyt la amoyne retenu (232); præfata urbe (109 ii)–la ou ly enemys l'avoyount pris (240); reges præfati (165 ii)–Ebrahim e Laumaçor (854); itaque factum est (181 xxi)–en cele manere remistrunt si cum il aveyt comaundé (1017). Compare also the way in which, after the moralizing digression at the end of ch. XXI, the translator carefully picks up the thread of the action again by recapitulating for his audience: itaque peracto bello, cum rediret Rotolandus . . . (185 xvii)–e come Rollant repayrast de la batayle ou touz nos cristiens furunt occys fors il e autres ke ço moucerent . . . (1066). Similarly quos custodia retruserat Karolus, reperrit exanimatos (147 viii) is expanded to Charles repeyra a mouster e entra eyns, e trova mors . . . (663).55 e l'atendoyent pur combatre. E lour estoyent venuz en ayde lé gens de cing cités, de Sibilie, de Granade, de Sative,A853a [A853a] Satine55 de Ubede, de Baccye.A853b [A853b] Vaccye55 Charles ala countre eus. Kaunt il aprocha ou sé gens a Cordres, Ebrahim e Lauma

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çor isserunt countre ly ou lour oosz tuz armés loigs a tres lues de la cité. Lour oost estoyt dys mile, le nostre sis mile. Charles fist tres escheles, e la primere fu dé melioursA857 [A857] meliorus56 chivalers, la secunde de gent a pié e la terce de chivalers, e les Sarazyns firent ensement.

Com la primere eschile Charles dust assembler pur cumbatre a une gent a pee dé Sarazyns, les Sarazyns estuerentA861 [A861] estuerent56 devaunt nos gens, devaunt checun chival un, e avoyt en soun chef une barbere cornueA863 [A863] barbere e cornue56 eN863 [N863E might seem to be a remnant from the Latin of the C MSS. larvas barbatas et cornutas (165 xi).56 ly coverit tote la teste si ke a pis. Ensement avoyent li autres, e semblerent debles e teneyent tabours e tympans e fereyent ensemble si k'e[n] ne oist mye Deux tonaunt. De la noyse e des barberes [f.292c] se espounterent nos chivaus e tournerent le dos e s'enfuyerent si ke les chivalers ne les poeyent reteiner. E pus ke la secunde eschele vit la primere fuyr, ele tourna le dos aprés les autres. E kant CharlesA870 [A870] charkes56 vyt ço, il se merveyla taunt ke il en sout la verité. Ly Sarazyns nous suerunt lentement si ke a un mount ke est a treys lues de la cité. Illukes nous aunamesA873 [A873] armames56N873 [N873] Omnes coadunati (165 xxi); cf. auné at 884.56 touz ensemble, e kaunt il virent ço, il se doterunt e retournerent arere.

A l'endemayn nostre emperere prist soun counseyl a plus haut barounys de le oost, e comaunda a touz ke il covereysunt les ois de lour chivaus ke il ne veysunt les barberes, e ke il estopassunt les oreyles ke il ne osseynt les tympans. Checun fist soun comaundement soulum sey. Ly Sarazynes apparayllerunt lor cumpanyes, e les cristiens lour, e enveyerunt les meccreauns, e les chivaleres encountrerent lour enemys mout hardyement. Nous nous cumbatimes tot le jour dekes a middy e en occymes mout graunt partie. Tus ly Sarazynes estoyent auné ensemble, e en mylu avoyt un estandard fiché sur un char a quatre rues ke. viii. bouys traoeynt. Lour coustoume estoyt tele lors ke nul n'y fust si hardy ke s'emfuist de la batayle taunk cum l'enseygne fust en esteaunt. Charles le sout ben e aprocha, ke taunt fet a louer, ke fu vestu del hauberk de justise e ceynt du brant de dreyture, e tres noble de curage e feer [f.292d] de quer s'enbat entre ces enemys. E fert a destre e a senestre,

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occyaunt kaun k'il attenist, e taun k'il vint si ke au char e coupa la perche ke tenoyt l'ensoyne, e tantost l'enseygne chay a tere. E kant les Sarazyns oyerentN894 [N894Oyerent was originally no doubt vyrent. Conversely at 1205 vy must stand for a earlier oy translating audivi (203 x).57 l'enseygne cheyer, il s'em partirent ly un sa e ly autre la; unkes le un ne prist conray des autres. Illuc out mout graunt occysioun, kar il i out occys .viii. mile Sarazyns, e Ebrahim ly roys de Sibile i fust occys. E Laumaçor de Cordres s'en entra en la cité ou deus mile Sarazyns, e vint l'endemeyn matin a Charles e rendy la cité par sy ke il deveyndroyt cristien e la tendroyt de ly e feroyt sé comaundemens. Eissi fu graunté.A902 [A902] graunte57

E kaunt ço fu fest, Charles devisa les teres e les countrés a ces barouns e ces princes ke ou ly avoyent suffertN904 [N904] Pugnatoribus et gentibus suis, illis scilicet qui in patria illa manere volebant (169 v).57 les travauz. La tere de Naware e dé BasclesA905 [A905] dascles57 dona a Normauns, la tere dé Chastelans a Fraunçoys, la tere de Aragoune a Poytevyns, la tere des Pors a Danays e a Flemens.A907 [A907] Flemes with nasal bar on first e57 Ly Fraunceys ne voudreyent abiter en Galice pur ço ke il lourA908 [A908] lour57 fust avys ke ço estoyt trop aspre tere. E nus humme ne fust ke ço osast cumbatre plus a Charles en Espayne.

[XIX. De concilio Karoli]

Charles lessa ces haus barouns en Espayne e requist Seint Jakes a poy de gent, e edifya e ayda as cristiens ke il trovaA913 [A913] torna57 en Espayne e estably par les citez de Galice eveskes, abbés, prestres e assembla un councyl a Compostle. E estably par le conseyl des eveskes e des abbés e des princes ke touz les roys d'Espayne e de Galice e les [f.293a] eveskes fussunt obeyaunt a le eveske de Compostle.A917 [A917] Complolstle with first l expunged57 E jo Turpyn, le erceveske de Reynes, en cel meyme counseyle dedyay la eglise moun seygour Seynt Jake e le auter par la priere Charles es kalendes de junye.A920 [A920] junye inserted above jungeyt57 E Charles sormist a cel eglise tote Espayne e ly dona en dowarie, e comaunda ke de checoune mesoum eust par aan quatre deneres de fine detteN922 [N922] Præcipiens ut unusquisque possessor uniuscuiusque domus . . . quatuor nummos annuatim ex debito daret (171 viii); cf. Meredith-Jones, op. cit., pp. 323-33, and M. Buchner in Zeitschrift für franz. Sprache u. Lit. LI (1928), 1-72. The Turpin of Vatican MS. Regina 624 translates .iiii. deniers de rante (f. 22d). For examples of the use of de fine dette, see T.-L. II 1828.57 e fussunt francs e quytes de totes autres costoumys. E si comaunda e estably ke ço jour en avaunt fust Compostle apelé sege d'epostre pur ço ke seynt Jake i reposa. E

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estably ke touz les evekes de la tere tenissent la touz lour councyls, e ke le evecke de la vile donast les corounys reaus e les crosses as evesques pur le honur de l'epostle nostre Seygour. E si la foy de la gent defautA929 [A929] defaunt58 en autres cités, illukes fu reconcilie.N929 [N929] The Latin construction has subjunctives in the protasis and apodosis: si fides . . . defecerint, ibi consilio eiusdem episcopi reconcilientur (171 xv); cf. Grandes Chroniques: se la foiz defaloit . . ., [establi] que ele fust reformee et reconciliee . . . (p. 57).58

Ce sunt saun doute deus principausA931 [A931] principauns58 seges: Ephese ke est a destre du regneA932 [A932] du regne du58 terrien, e Compostle ke est a senestre. E ices deus seges furent donez a ceus deus freres, kar lour mere avoyt prié a Deus ke ces deus fiz fussunt en soun regne, le un a destre, le autre a senestre. Troys seges sunt principaus eu munde par droyt: Roume, Ephesie, Compostle, kar si cum nostre Seigour estably ces troys apostles, Peris, Johan, Jake, e plus lour mustra de ses secrés, si cum il apert en les ewangelys, autrysi estably il ces troys seges devaunt touz autres. Seynt Peres [f.293b] est ly primers par droyt, kar il fu princes de ces apostles e dedya Roume e de sa predicacioun e de soun saunk e de sa sepulture. Aprés, Ephese, kar seynt Johan i fist sa primere ewangelye In principio erat verbum. Ly terce sege a Compostle, kar moun seigour seynt Jake i fust enseveliz.

En tele manere cum jo vus ay dist, fu Galice deliver[e]z des enemys Deux par la priere seynt Jake e la ayde Charles, e est si ke a jour de hoy.

[XX. De persona et fortitudine Karoli]

Charlemayne nostre empererz estoyt brunys des chevus, rovent de vys e feer d'esgard. La longour de ly estoyt owt de ces pees, e estoyt greles par les flans, e fortz de tos ses membris, e de ventre avenanz, e gros de bras e de quysses, e sages en batayle countre soun enemy. Il avoyt de visageA953 [A953] de visage de face58 pleyne paume, de barbe avoyt il une paume, de nees demye, de frount un pee, ces ooyz estencelaunz cum un carboun, ces sorciz de demye paume; mout oust cyl graunt poour ke il etgardast par mal. La ceynture dount il esteyt seynt estoyt de owt paumes, estre ço ke pendeyt aval. Il manjout poy de payn, mes il manjast ben a un manger la quarte partye de un motoun, ou deusA960a [A960a] ou deus58 gelynes, ou une owe, ou une

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espauleA960b [A960b] une espaule59 de porc, ou un pooun, ou une grue, ou une levereA961 [A961] unge grue ou une bevere59 tot enteyr, e bevoyt poy de vyn sanz meler ewe.N962 [N962] Leporem (177 iii). The original paints an even more sober Charlemagne: modicum vinum et aquam limpham sobrie bibebat (177 iv).59 E estoyt de si graunt force e de si graunt vertu ke il trenchout ben un Sarazyn tot armé ou le chival tot a un coup [f.293c] ou soun propre espeye, e estendoyt ben quatre fers de chival ou ces meyns, e levoyt ben un chivaler de tere sur sa paume si ke a soun chef. Estoyt larges en doner e dreyturer en jugement.N967 [N967] The lacuna of the C family MSS., which apparently pass over in silence the king's generosity and probity and omit et erat donis largissimus, iudiciis rectissimus (177 x), is not reproduced in William's text. There are some fifteen instances in our translation of readings from the earlier long family text, D, replacing those of its revised descendant C, which William otherwise follows closely. They all recur also in the Jehan translation.59

Il portout coroune en Espayne quatre feiz le aan, a la NativitéA970 [A970] naNavite59 e a la Paske e a Pentecost et a la Seint-Johan,N970 [N970] Die sancti Jacobi (177 xv); cf. the alteration in the order of precedence of the apostolic sees whereby Ephesus was promoted from third place in the Latin (173 iii) to second place in our translation (936).59 e si portout l'em e tenoyt devant sa chaere une espeye totes nues. E si avoyt estably checune nout devaunt soun lit sisvint hommes a veyler. Mes il ne veyleyunt mye touz ensemble, kar ly caraunte feseyunt la primere veyle de nout, dis au chef e dis a pees e dis a destre e dis a senestre, e tenoyt checoun en sa destre mayn un nue espeye e en la senestre une chaundeyle ardaunte. Autresy fesoyent les autres carauntes la secundeA978 [A978] secunde karaunte expunged veyle59 veyle, e autresy les autres caraunte; quaunt les autres dormeyent, il velloyent.

Jo vus recountasse des haus fees Charles, come Galafre ly amyraunz de ToleteA981 [A981] Colete59 le dobba e nory e le fist chivaler enz eu paleys, e coment pur l'amour Galaffre Charlys s'en combaty a Braymant, un Sarazyn mout orgillous, e le occist; e vos recountasse coment il conquist mout de cités e mist a crestienté, e com il mist en oor e en argent plusures cors seyns, e com il fu emperour de Roume, e com il requist le sepulcre e en aporta la seynte croys nostre Seigour e en fist relikes a mout eglises, mes ma meyn e ma penne me defaylunt ke jo ne pus mes geres escrire pur mes playes.N988 [N988] See note to l. 123 above.59 E pur ço me covent escrire brevement coment [f.293d] il s'en party de Espayne. E orret key li avint!

[XXI. De bello Runciaevallis et de passione Rotolandi]

Aprés ço ke nostre emperere Charles out conquis tote Espayne enA993 [A993] en expunged a le honur59 soun tens a le honur de Deux e de moun seygour seynt Jake, il se mist en repeyre e se herberja a Pampeloyne ou ses oosz. Lors demorerunt deus roys sarazyns a

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Saragoce, Marsire e Baligan, ke le amyraunz de Babiloyne i avoyt envoyé de Perse, e feseyunt les comaundemens Charles e volenteres le serveyunt, mes ço estoyt en feynte charité.

Charles lour maunda par Genneyloun ke eus ço baptizasunt ou eus ly enveyassent truue. Il ly enveyerunt trente chivaus chargés de oor e de argent e de autres richesses de Espayne e caraunte chivauz chargés de vyn dous e mile beles Sarazynes. Il parlerunt a counseyl a Genyloun e ly promistrentA1005 [A1005] promistrens60 vint chivaus chargez de oor e de argent e de pailes par covenaunt que lour baylast les meyllours chivalers Charles en eyse de occyre les. Il lour fiaunça la treysoun, e il ly doneyent le aver. Il [le] ressut e s'en revint a Charles, e ly dist ke Marsyre apparelast soun eire de aler ou ly en Fraunce e de devenyer crestyen, e li baylla les richesses ke il envoyeyunt, e dist a Charles ke Marsirye tendroyt tote Espayne de ly. Les chivalers Charles ressurunt soulment le vyn e les Sarazyns.N1013 [N1013] According to the Latin (181 xii), the maiores preferred the wine, leaving the Saracen women to the minores.60 Charles crut Geneloun e se parrela [a] passer les pors. E comaunda a ces chers princes de sa chivalrye, a Rollant soun newou [f.294a] e a Olyver, ou vint mile crestyns a fere areregarde en Rouncevaus tank ke il oust passé les porz. En cele manere remistrunt si cum il aveyt comaundé. Teles ill y out de nos cristyens ke la nout semmeruntN1019 [N1019] Neither Godefroy (X 659) nor T.-L. (IX 407) offers a significant parallel to this use of semer. The Latin reads simply fornicati sunt (181 xxiii).60 fornicacioun ou les Sarazyns e ouA1020a [A1020a] ou60 les crestiens keA1020b [A1020b] ke ke60 il avoyent amenez de lour pays, e pur ço furent occys.

Endementyrs ke Charles passout les poors e jo Turpyn ou ly e Genyloun, e nos chivalers feseyount l'areregarde, Marsire e Beligan ces desbucherent ou karaunte deus mile SarazynsN1024 [N1024] See note to l. 1409 below.60 des boys e des tertres e des vaus ou il s'estoyent moucez par le counceyl Genylloun, e i avoyent demorés touz armés deus jourys e deus nous. E firent deus escheles, la une de vint mile, le autre de vint e deus. Cele cumpanye ke fu de vint mile fery primerment e assally les nos a doos. Mes ly nos vint mile lour retournerent le vys e les alerunt feryr, e s'en combatirent tot le jour deke a terce e cy occyrent touz les vint mil paynnyms si ke un soul ne remist. E tauntost cum ly vinte e deus mile Sarazyns virent ço, il

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desbucherent tout ensemble quy ainz ainz, e troverent les nos lassés des vint mile ke il avoyent occys. E les ferirent du greynour si ke a monour, si ke unkes un dé vynt mile crestiens ne remist fors soulment Roulant, e autres ke ço moucerent par les boys pur poour des Sarazyns. Li uns furent percés des launces, ly autres [f.294b] occys des perches, ly autres furunt penduz as arbres, ly autres ars e[n] rez,N1040 [N1040] Though Godefroy (VII 79) glosses rere (pp. rez) in the sense of to burn, this meaning is rejected by the F.E.W. (X 15n1) and finds no place in T.-L. (VIII 973-7). Cf. reiz 1247.61 ly autres escorchés des coteus touz vifs. Ke vus acounteroye? Tut les chivale[r]s Charles furent occys fors soulment Baudewyn le frere Rollant, e jo Turpin e Genyloun ke fumes ou Charles, e autres ke ço mucyrent par les boys e issy eschaperent. Ataunt ly Sarazyns s'en restournent asrire une grosse luue.

En ço lu me devet vus demaunder purquey Deux suffry a morir ceus ke avoyent fet fornicacioun.N1047 [N1047] The translator has simplified the moral here, avoiding the complication of having to explain why those innocent of fornication perished together with the sinners: cur illos qui minime . . . fornicati sunt, Dominus mortem incurrere permisit (183 xviii). A similar simplification can be seen in William's treatment of the moral of ch. XII (cf. 135 i and 641-2), while the moralizing conclusion which covers the last eight lines of ch. XIV (143 x) is even more severely condensed (625-7).61 Vus ne poét trop aprendre! Jo le vus diray: nostre Sire ne voyt pas ke il retornassent en lour pays kar il freyountA1050 [A1050] freyount inserted above feyssent61 greynours pechez. Si lour voleyt illuc rendre le travayl ke il avoyent suffert pur ly, e pur ço les fist il morir ke il destensist lour pechez par martire.N1052 [N1052] God caused them to die so that he might grant them remission of their sins through martyrdom.61 E l'em ne doyt pas crere ke nostre Seygour ne voyle gerdoner a checoun soulum sa decerte, kar ja seyt ço ke il feseyunt fornicacioun, si furent martirié pur ly.

En ceste exaumple poét entendre ke companye de femme ne est mye bone en oost, kar luxurie est la ou ele est, e enpecchie la alme e le cors. Kar plusures princes unt esté vencu de lour enemys pur ço ke il menoyent lour femmes ovvekes eus: Darie e Antoyne furunt vencuz, kar Alexandre venqui Darye e Octovyan de Roume venqui Antonye. Ceus ke ço overirent e firent for [f.294c] nicacioun,A1062 [A1062] for/fornicacioun61 ce fesseyunt les faus prestres e les hommes de religioun ke ço ne deveyent pas en nule manere fere. E si il funt, il serunt occys de lour enemys, ces sunt les debles.

[XXII. De morte Rotolandi]

E come Rollant repayrastA1066 [A1066] re repayrast61 de la batayle ou touz nos cristiens furunt occys fors il e autres ke ço moucerent, il trova un neyr Sarazin e mout hydous, e sa alout demusaunt pur

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les cristiens. Rollant le prist e le lya ou quatre retortes a un arbre. E kaunt il out ço fet, il mounta en un autre arbreN1070 [N1070] William's rendering of tunc ascendit in montem quendam et exploravit illos (185 xxi) sacrifices fidelity of translation to short-term practicability.62 e esgarda les companyes as Sarazyns e les ayma, e vit ke il en avoitA1072 [A1072] nen avoit62 mous,N1072 [N1072] Quia multi erant (187 i).62 e descendy e vint arere a la voye de Rouncevaus par ount ceus aloyent ke voleyent passer les porz. E lors comensa a soner sa busine de yvoyre, e, si cum Deux voleyt, nos cristiens oyerent la voys, ke ço estoyent repous par lé boys de poour, e vindrunt a Rollant ben entour cent. Rollant, kaunt il les vit, fu mout lés, e repayruntA1077 [A1077] repayra altered to repayrrunt62 arere touz armez sur lour chivaus la ou Rollant avoyt lyé le Sarazyn, e tantost le deslyerent. E Rollant treet soun espeye tote nuue sur le chef a payn cum c'yl le vousytA1080 [A1080] vousyt inserted above voleyt62 occire e ly dist: 'Si tu venys ou moy e tu me moustres Marsire le roy, jo te leray aler tot quytes, ou autrement jo te occyray'. Rollant ne conesoyt pas Marsyre. Ly Sarazyn out mou graunt poour de morir e dist a Rollant: 'Sire, mercy, kar jo fray [f.294d] kaunc ke vus plera'.

Engnelepas ly Sarazyn le mena ou ly e les cent cristyens touz armés e ly moustra Marsire entre les Sarazyns de loyns, e avoyt un chival soor e une targe rounde. Rollant lessa le Sarazyn tot quite, e fu mout coragyé de la batayle cum cyl ke se fyout en Deus, e estoyt pleyn de graunt ardement e curut sure a mescreauns, kaunc ke chival le pout rendre, ovveske les cent cristiens. Il en vit un entre les autres greynour e plus fort ke nul. Il tret l'espeye e le fery en tele manere ke il fendy tot outre ly e le chival a un coup, si ke la une partye du Sarazyn e du chival chey a destre e l'autre a senestre. E kaunt les autres Sarazyns virent ço coup, il s'enfuerent ben a poy touz e lesserent en chaump Marsire a poy de gent. E tantost Rollant, ke fu repleny de la vertu nostre Seigour, se fery en la greynour presse, e nul ne poeyt suffrer le coup de se espeye, e aconsuitA1101 [A1101] aconquit62N1101 [N1101] The emendation of aconquit to aconsuit is made on the strength of the Latin consecutus est Marsirum fugientem et . . . ilium inter alios peremit (187 xxi).62 Marsire que s'en fueyt e le occyt.

En cele batayle furent occys les cent crestiens ke Rollant avoyt amené ou ly. Il memes fu navrez de catres launces e feru par tot le cors de hauntes e de peres, e nepurkaunt a qelqe peyne se eschapa.N1105 [N1105] Jehan also qualifies the Latin evasit (187 xxv) by a poine (LV 32).62 E tantost come Beligan sout la

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mort Marsire, il out moun graunt poour e c'enfuy de celes countrés. Terry e Baudewyn, si cum jo dis devaunt, ses estoynt moucés par les boys.

Rollant fu moun laas des plaes e des dures coupes ke il out ressuz e fu mou dolent de la mort au barounys. E vint tot sul jekes ke au pee des porz [f.295a] e illukes descendy de soun chival souz un arbre joste une pere de marbre ke estoyt illukes dressé en un pree. Uncore avoyt il ovveke ly une mout bele espeye ke avoyt noun Durendal. Durendale dist autretaunt cum ceste parole: dur coup en donne, kar aynz faudra le bras ke l'espeye. Rollant la trest hors du ferre e la comensa a esgarder e a plorer mout tendrement e mout regreter la, e dist: 'Ha! tres bele espeye, tres covenable espeye de longour e de laour, ke es honureeN1119 [N1119] The original reading must have been not honuree, but ouvree or aornee translating magno nomine Domini A Ω sculptus (191 i). Contrary to A. de Mandach's assertion (ed. cit., p. 92), the MS. does indeed show a minuscule omega. The signs of the cross framing the symbolic letters cut into the blade of Durendal are no doubt the pious translator's own addition.63 del haut noum nostre Seigour ✚ alpha ✚ e ✚ ω ✚, ke te portera mes en batayle, ky te avera mes? Cyl qe te avera ne sera ja vencuz ne ne avera ja poour des ces enemys; fantame ne ly porra ennure, aynz sera touz jours plein de la divine eyde. Ha! par kaunt de foyz jo ay vengé le sanc nostre Seygour par toy, par kaunt de foyz jo ay destrut ses enemys par toy! Ha! espeye tres benuré, tres ague, vers ky ne fu unkes semblance ne jamés ne serra;A1127 [A1127] serra inserted above seray63 cely ke te fist ne devaunt ne aprés ne fit unkes tele. Nul ke de toy seyt navrez ne put vivere longement. Certes, si mauveys chivaler ke est couard te a, jo seray mout dolent. Sy paeenA1130 [A1130] paeen63 ou Sarazyn te a, jo seray mout angwissous.' E a ço mot il fery de le espee en la pere kaun ke il unkes pout, kar il le voleyt depesser. Troys feyz il fery, unkes les espeye n'e[m]poyra de reyn; ançoys fendy la pere de l'un cheef si ke a l'autre [f.295b] .

[XXIII. De confessione et transitu Rotolandi]

E kaunt il vit ço, mout ço merveyla. Lors comensa a soner sa busyne de saver moun si acoun des cristiens ke ço estoyent moucés par lé boys repayrassent a ly e prissent soun chival e ço espeye e fussunt a sa mort. E il la sona par tel ayr ke les veynes du cool ly roumperent e les nervys.

Charles oy la voyz de la busyne.N1140 [N1140] Here William and Nicolas omit the explanation of how Charlemagne heard Roland's horn over a distance of eight miles: cuius vox usque ad aures Karoli . . . angelico ductu pervenit (193 xiv).63Il estoyt es vaus ke l'em dist Vaus Charles; illuc se estoyt herbergé ou ces oosz. E il

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se parellatA1142 [A1142] pararellat64 tauntost de aler arere, car soun quers ly disoyt ben soun damage. Mes ly feus Geneloun vint a ly e ly dist: 'My Syres, ne retourn[e]z pas, kar sachet vostre nevou ne ad nule bosoyne. Il chace acoune beste savage par ces boys'. Ore poét oyer graunt felunnye de traytre; ben put estre comparé a Judas Scariot ke Deux tray.N1147 [N1147] Like William, Nicolas also glosses the Latin with qui Dé trait (318.14). Our translator similarly expands Petro lacrimanti (197 xv) to plora ço ke il vus avoyt renoyé (1178).64 Nostre emperere le crut e ne retourna pas. Ço fu folye.

Endementyrs ke Rollant se joust a la tere, il out mou graunt seyf, kar il estoyt pres de la mort. Estes vous Baudeuyn soun frere ke i survint. Rollant, kaunt il le vist, ly dist: 'Beuz douz frere, queret moy a beyvere'. Baudewyn ala sa e la, unkes ne pout ewe trover. Il revint arere e dist ke il ne trovoyt poynt de ewe, e vit ben ke soun frere se murreyt e le benequist. E outA1155 [A1155] out64 poour des Sarazyns e mounta sur le chival soun frere e s'en ala droyt vers le oost Charles e lessa soun frere. E tantost cum il s'en fu party, [f.295c] Terry vint devaunt soun seigour Rollant e comensa a plorer mout tendrement e a regreter le, e ly dist ke il se feist confés. Rollant avoyt esté le jour acomoyné e ressu penytaunce, kar la coustume estoyt lors tele ke checoun homme avoyt ces droytures ançoys ke il alast a la batayle autresy comme se il sout certeynement ke il dust moryr en la batayle,N1162 [N1162] The expectation of a certain death in battle is the translator's own addition.64 e ses fesseyount confés a lour ewekes e as abbés e a provoyres dount asset avoyt en le oost.

Rollant leva ces mayns vers le ceyl e ces oys, e fist une proyere en tele manere: 'Beuz Sire Deux Jesu Crist, pur la ky amour e pur la ky foy enaucher jo vings de moun pays en estraunges countrés, e pur ky jo ay suffert e enduré taun des feymes, taun des seyfs, taun des freyz, taun de meseyses, taun de graunzA1171 [A1171] de de graunz64 chalours, taun de reproches, taunt de plaes, e taunz des orgoluz ay daunté e abatu des trechers ke vus ne amoyent, beuz Sire, a vus comaung jo la alme e le cors de moy. E autresi cum vus deignastes nestre de la Virge pur moy e fustez crucyfiez e resuscitez, autresi deygnet vus hoy receyvere e delyverer ma alme des pardurabl[e]s tormenz. E autresy comA1177 [A1177] com64 vus pardonastes a Marie Magdalene ses pechés, e a seynt Pere pur ço ke il plora ço ke il vus avoyt renoyé, e au laroun oweristes la porte de paradys,

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autresy me otreyez la coroune du cels. Jo croy de quer e regehisA1181 [A1181] rechibes65 de bouche ke tu voys ke jo trespas de ceste vye,N1180 [N1180] Credo corde et ore confiteor quia idcirco animam meam ab hac vita vis educere (197 xxii). The process of distortion from what must have been an original regehis to MS. rechibes defies analysis. Voys is a pres. ind. form of voleir (cf. Glossary).65 ke aprés ceste ay melioure'. Idounkes prist il la char e la peel de entour ces mameles e dist: 'En ceste char verray jo Deux moun Saveour'. Treys feiz le dist, [f.295d] e aprésA1184 [A1184] a apres65 mist ces mayns a ces euz e [dist]: 'Ces deus euz l'esgarderent'.N1185 [N1185] Cf. the direct speech of the Latin: similiter ait: Et oculi isti conspecturi sunt (199 xiv).65 E aprés overy ces euz si cum il pout e fistA1186 [A1186] e dist e fist65 signe de croyz sur touz ces membres, si cum Terry le nous counta ke il le vit, e dist:N1186 [N1186] The redundant e dist of the MS. suggests an over-hasty translation of cœpit . . . omnes artus suos et pectus signo sanctæ crucis munire et dicere: Omnia terrena michi vilescunt (199 xv).65 'Totes terryenes choses me sunt ore endroyt viles, kar, la mercy nostre Seygour, jo asgard e voy ço ke unkes homme ne veyt ne oreyl ne oy ne en quer de homme ne mounta, ço ke Deux ad aparalé a ceus ke le amunt'. Lors fist sa priere au drayn pur touz iceuz ke martire avoyent suffert en Rouncevaus, e dist: 'Beus [Sire Deux,Cf. Nicolas: Beaus Sire Dés (320.8), and William's use of the phrase at 1167 and 1473-4. Fiz] du Pere Glorious, eyet mercy de ceus ke huy sunt martirié pur vus en ce chaump e pur venger vostre sang. Envoyet vos seyns archaungeles pur lour aumes ke les portent en la companye as martires, qui vivet e regnetN1197 [N1197Vivet e regnet can only be 2nd pl. pres. ind. forms referring back, as in the Latin (qui vivis et regnas, 201 ix), to God to whom the prayer is addressed.65 pardurablement'.

E cum ceste proyere fu parfete, la alme du benuré martyr Rollant party du cors, e lys aungles nostre Seygour furent pres a receyvere la alme e l'emporterent en pardurable repos, dount nostre Sire nous face parsoners.N1201 [N1201] The translator has omitted the twenty elegiac verses on the death of Roland of ch. XXIV, as he will also the six lines of verse which end Charlemagne's lament in the following chapter (207 i-vi). Hand in hand with this apparent indifference to verse goes William's obvious distaste for the rhetoric of the Latin, for he invariably leaves untranslated such interjections as o virum per omnia laudabilem (237 vii), ars mirabilis (167 vi), quam incomprehensibilia sunt iudicia Dei . . . (147 v), o Christi pugnatorum sanctissima caterva (147 x), not to mention the nine occurrences of Quid plura?. Other more extensive abbreviations of the Latin text by William include: the list of Spanish towns in ch. II (see note to l. 131), the theological debate between Roland and Feracutus (note to l. 742), the description of the Seven Liberal Arts (note to l. 1386), the comparison between Ephesus and Compostela (cf. 931 and 171 xviii-xxiii), the omission of passages totalling over twenty-five lines from Roland's confession in ch. XXIII (cf. 1177-95 and 197 vi-201 vi), and the condensing of the description of Durendal (cf. 189 xvii, 191 vii-xvi and 1118-20, 1124-6).65

Astar [Astar] *Chapter XXIV is left untranslated65*[XXV. De visione Turpini et de lamentatione Karoli]

Endementeres ke la alme du benuré martyr Rollant s'en partist du cors, e jo Turpyn archeweske de Reyns chauntoue messe a Charles moun seygour en Vaus Charles, il me fu avys ke jo vy unes cumpanyes des anngelesA1205 [A1205] Anngleles65 ke s'en aloyent chauntaunt eu ceel mout devotement. E aprés lour dos vyndrent unes cumpanyes de neyre gens ke veneyunt cum c'yls repeyrassent de graunt preye, e jo lur dys: 'Ke porté vus?' 'Nous portoum', fyrent il, 'Marsire en enfern, mes vostre bosyner enporte MichausA1210 [A1210] Michans65 en paradys ou mouz [f.296a] autres'. Si s'en alerent ataunt. E kaunt jo avoy celeblé la messe, jo ving a moun seygour e ly dys: 'Sire, sachet ke vostre nevus est mort'.N1213 [N1213] See note to l. 695 above.65 'De queus nevus me dites vus?' fist cyl. 'Sire, de Rollant, e seynt MikaeusA1214 [A1214] Mikaeuns65 enporte la

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alme en paradys, mes ne say […] N1215 [N1215] A line is here missing from our text: sed qua morte mortuus est prorsus ignoro (203 xix). If we compare Nicolas's mes je ne sai mie cum il est morz, e say bien que l'arme de Marsire enportent diable . . . (321.7), we may conjecture that our copyist's eye probably jumped from say to the same word in the line below.66 qeu Marsire enporterent debles en enfern'.

E cum jo deyse ço, Baudewyn soun frere vint poygaunt sur soun chival, ke nous counta tota l'aventure e coment il avoyt lessé soun frere. Charles se paume. E cum il fu redressés, il fist banyr ke nul ne remansist ke ne venist ou ly. Nous mountamus touz e alamas ou moun seygour mout graunt dool fesaunt; unkes ren n'y out tenu si ke a pez des porz. Ilukes trovames Rollant jesaunt envers, ses bras croysés sour soun pys.

Engnelepas Charles se lessa chayer sur ly, e comensa a suspirer e a plorer e a trere ces chevus e depesser soun vys ou ces ungles e tyrer sa barbe e a fere le greynor dol ke unkes fu wou, e le comensa a regreter en tele manere: 'Ha! beux newou Rollant, Rollant beuz newou, ha! le destre bras de moun cors, le honur de Fraunce, espeye de justise, hauberk ke ne poeyt demayler, heume de salu, sembl[abl]e a Judas Makabeu e a Sanson fortin,N1232 [N1232] Jehan (LXIII 10) agrees with William in omitting the comparison Sauli et lonathæ mortis fortuna consimilis (205 x).66 tres bon chivaler en batayle e sages, de lynage real, destruur dé Sarazyns, defendour des crestiens, mur as clers, bastoun as orphanyns, vyaunde e refectyoun as jovens,N1235 [N1235Jovens is the result of a miscopying of povers, translating pauperum (205 xiv).66 relevour des [f.296b] eglises, lange saun mensounge, dreyturer en jugement, counte honuré, dux des oosz fraunceys, purqueyA1237 [A1237] pur quey66 vus amené jo en cest pays? Purquey vus vey jo mort? Purquey ne mur jo ovveke vus? Purquey me avet vus lessé trisste en ceste secle mauveys? Ha! maluré cheytif, ke fray? Tu vives ou les angeles e seesz leez ou les martires! Touz jours me covendra plorer sour vus autresy come Davit sour Saul e Jonatan e Absolon'.

Eissy regreta Charles soun newou e le pleynt tank cum il vesquy. Et tantost fist illuke tendre ces pavylouns en cele place meyme, e fist en enbaumer le cors de baume e de mirre e de aloés e fist fere granz reiz par lé boys e fist chaunter tote nuyt le servise ke apartent as moors mout beel e mout honurément.

[XXVI. De hoc quod sol stetit spacio trium dierum]

A l'endemayn mout matyn se armerent tous comunement

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e se alerent la ou la batayle avoyt esté. E checoun trova soun amy, les uns mors, les autres vyfs,A1252 [A1252] vufs67 mes tusz erent naufreszA1253 [A1253] naunfresz67 a la mort. Il troverent Oliver mort jesaunt tot envers estendu en semblaunce de croyz, fichez en tere a quatre peus, ben lyés ferm ou katre retortes. E estoyt escorchez de coteus agus du cool si ke asA1256 [A1256] si kes a67 ungles de ses pees e des meynes e estoyt tot quassés de orbesA1257 [A1257] ordes67 coupsN1257 [N1257] The use of the phrase orbes coups is sufficiently frequent in contexts such as this to warrant a correction of MS. ordes, which moreover finds no justification in the Latin magnisque ictibus baculorum attritum (207 xxiii).67 de bastouns e dars e de setes, e fut ausy atornez come chyn attorneyt caroyne. Ly crye e la noyse comensa si graunt ke unkes teles ne fu vou ne oyez, kar checun fesoyt [dol] sour soun amy, e fu ly criez [f.296c] si grauns ke les vaus en estoyent si pleyns k'e[n] n'y oust pas Deux tonaunt. Dounke jura ly empereres par le Pere Omnipotent ke il ne fynereyt de errerA1263 [A1263] des errer67 taun k'il avoyt trovez les paens. E se mist en la voye ou sa chivalerye; unkes rens n'y out tenuez. E ly solayl se estut tot en pees, e fust aloyné icel jour en l'espace de troys joures. Ne unkes ne finerent de sy la ke il vindrent jouste Saragosce a une ewe ke ad a noun Evre, e les trova manjauns e bevauns, mout hetés countre lour maal.

Charles lour curust sure autresi cumme lyoun ke court a sa preye; au corus e au ire ke il avoyt en occyst saun nonbre, kar nule arme ne poeyt suffr[er] soun espeye,N1271 [N1271] See note to l. 257 above.67 e nos crestiens en occyrent ben quatre mile. E s'en repeyrerunt arere en Rouncevaus e aporterent lour mors touz la ou Rollant gesoyt, e checun fist dool sur son amy.

En cele place meyme comensa Charles a enquere si ço poeyt estre veyr ke ly poples disoyt, ke Genyloun avoyt fete la tresoun de la chivalerie. L'em ne pout pas ben saver la verité kar il le denya,A1279 [A1279] denya67 e pur ce s'en armerent deus chivaleres, Terry pur Rollant e Pynabel pur Genyloun.A1280 [A1280] Genyloun67 La batayle fu mout dure e mout aspere e mout lunge kar il erent amedés bons chivalers, mes a la parfyn ly droys venqui e Terry venqui Pynabel en chaump. Charles fist amener quatre des plus fors chivaus de le oost e fist lyer Geniloun as coues, e fut detraiz veaunt tot le oost si ke un [f.296d] kes pece n'y remist a autre. En tele manere se venga il de soun enemy e soun traytre, e fu la verité esclargie.N1276 [N1276] William's translation of the passage concerning Ganelon's treachery (cf. 209 xii) seems to contain echoes of the Roland legend. A. de Mandach (ed. cit., pp. 35-6) is, however, wrong in believing that the designation of Tierry as the champion of Roland and not pro semetipso as in the Latin (209 xv) is attributable solely to William. Nicolas's translation also reads Terris par Rollant (323.6), which may well point to a common variant in the Latin source, especially since William's addition of la batayle fu mout dure e mout aspere e mout lunge appears also in Nicolas as si fu la batallie daus dos barons fort e aigra e espaontabble (323.8). However the same cannot necessarily be said of our translator's l'em ne pout pas ben saver la verité kar [Ganelon] le denya (cf. Roland laisse cclxxix), kar il erent amedés bons chivalers (cf. Roland 3875), mes a la parfyn ly droys venqui (cf. Roland 3849, 3891, 3898), en tele manere se venga [Charles] de soun enemy e soun traytre, e fu la verité esclargie (cf. Roland 3891, 3988-9), all of which would appear to be William's own interpolations. He had earlier added to the Latin description of how Charlemagne prepared to return to Roncevaux on hearing Roland's horn car soun quers ly disoyt ben soun damage (1142; cf. Roland 1758, 1768-1769), and dramatized the announcement of the death of Roland with Charles se paume. E cum il fu redressés . . . (1219; cf. Roland 2891-2).67

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[XXVII. De corporibus mortuorum conditorum]

Nos crestiens embaumerent lour coors, ly uns de baume, ly autre de mirre, ly autres de ceyl, ke ne avoyent autre unyment. Li uns feseyunt bere de buche a porter lour coors, ly autres les porteyunt sur chivaus, ly autres sur lour espaules, ly autre porteyount les naverés sur escheles. Ly uns enfoyent lour mors illukes meyme; ly autre les voyleyunt porter en Fraunce, mes il fussunt aynz purriz.N1293 [N1293] What in William's rendering is hypothetical was, in the Latin text, a reality: alius usque ad Galliam . . . amicum suum deferebat, alius portabat ilium quousque in putredinem dissolveretur et tunc sepeliebat (211 xiii). One is tempted to conjecture that the translator might have misconstrued the temporal subjunctive of his original.68

[XXVIII. De cimiteriis sacrosanctis]

En ces tens estoyent du mout saynt cimiterye, ly uns estoyt a Arle en Aleschauns e ly autre a Bordele, ke nostre Syres consecra par seet eweckesA1297 [A1297] eweckes68 ke jo vus nomeray: seynt Maximyan de Ays,A1298 [A1298] de days68 seynt Trophin d'Aarle, seynt Paulyn de Narbone, seynt Saturnin de Tolouse, seynt Fro[n]tinA1299 [A1299] Fortin68 de Peyteres,N1299 [N1299] Frontonis Petragoricensis (213 v). Peyteres for Périgueux is presumably an error to be attributed to the translator.68 seynt Marcial de Lymagos, seynt Attrope de Sayntes. E en ceus deus lues en out mout enfoy, e ceus ke furunt mors eu muster ke Charles enclost i furent enfoyez e joyerent lour servise.N1303 [N1303] Even though the warriors of Monjardín had not perished in battle, they enjoy the same burial honours as those who fell by the sword at Roncevaux, and are, by implication at least, accorded the martyrdom alluded to earlier (668-9). This, in the opinion of the translator, who adds to a laconic Latin text (213 vii) his own explanatory e joyerent lour servise, was a just reward in recognition of their services.68

[XXIX. De sepultura Rotolandi et ceterorum]

Ly quens Rollant fu porté sur deus mules en une fertre de oor coverte de payles de si ke a Bleyve, e fu mys en sepulcre en la eglyse Seynt Romayn ke Charles avoyt feet soun propre e i avoyt mys chanoynes reuleres. Soun espeye fu mys a soun chef, sa busyne de yvoyre a ces pees. Mes pus fu la busyne porté a Bordele a tort, a la eglise Seynt Severyn. Mout est bonuré la ceté ke est honuré de teu counte.N1310 [N1310] Tanto hospite (213 xvii). The town referred to is Blaye in the original.68

Mes a BelynA1312 [A1312] Bleyve68N1312 [N1312] According to the Latin, only Roland's grave was at Blaye, the remaining warriors being buried at Belin (215 i). A copyist's transformation of Belyn to Bleyve is easily explainable.68 fu enfoy Olivers ly quens de [f.297a] Geneves, fiz le quens Reyner, e Arastan li roys de Bretayne, e Garyn ly dux de Loyeregne,A1314 [A1314] loyeregne68 e Gundebuf ly roy de Frise, e Ogeyr ly roys dé Danoys e autres plusours barounys. E aA1315 [A1315] E A68 Bordele fu ensevely eu cymiterie Seynt Severyn Gayfer ly roys de Bordele, Engeler ly dux de Aquytayne, Lambert de Bou[r]ges, Gelier, Gelyns, Reynald de Aubeespyne, Gauter

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de Termes, Guyelin, Bueges,A1319 [A1319] Buegles69 ou cinc mile autres. Houel ly quens fu ensevely a Nauntes, sa cité, ou mout de Bretouns.

E kaunt ço fu fest, Charles membra de Judas Macabeus e dona a poveres ke en vestures ke en poutturesA1322 [A1322] pounttures69N1322 [N1322] The Latin cibariis (215 xii) leaves little doubt that the original reading was pouttures (for peutures), and that the nasal is a spurious addition.69 douze mile unces de argent e attaunz de besauns. E sy dona a Seynt Romayn de Blevye en fee tote la tere de entour la eglise a sys lues de long e de lee, e si le dona le chattel ou totes les apurtenauns pur la alme Rollant e par issy ke les chanoynes de leyns ne devyassent a nul hommeN1327 [N1327] The canons of St. Remain de Blaye are freed from all offices that they might devote themselves exclusively to the cult of Roland: ne alicui personæ humanæ servitutis officia amplius exiberent (215 xvii). Precisely the opposite intention is conveyed by our translation. If the error is to be attributed to the scribe, he may well have miscopied an original deussent or feissent. Alternatively a confusion in the translator's source between exhiberent and prohiberent (or inhiberent) might explain this otherwise unaccountable change in meaning.69 le servyse Deux, e q'y peusent e vestysent a la aniversarye Rollant trente poveres e lussent trente sauters e chauntassent autretant de messes, autretaunt des chanoynesN1330 [N1330] Smyser (op. cit., p. 45n3) understands the ceterisque . . . obsequiis of the Latin (215 xxii) to refer to the final prayer after the Mass, namely the Responsio. William's explicit rendering chanoynes, however, allows a different interpretation, the technical term Canon signifying the central portion of the Mass included between the Offertory and the Communion proper and containing the words of Oblation and Consecration. William had earlier expanded exequias (207 xi) into le servise ke apartent as moors (1248), and added to the Latin oras (137 xv) by defining the last two Canonical Hours of the day: e compelins e vesperis 548. His translation of colimus (131 xxii) by conceyvoums 487 might be of the same order of technicality.69 e autredant de vigiles, e keA1330 [A1330] ke69 ces chanoyns les feysount e ceus ke sount e ke a venyr sunt. Il ne fist pas tot ço pur Rollant, mes pur touz iceus ke en Espanye reçurent martire pur l'amour nostre Seygour.

Aprés ço Charles e jo Turpin ou nos oosz departimes de Bleyve e nous en alames par Gascoyne e par Tolouse droyt a Arle, e illuc trovams [f.297b] nous le oost a Burgoinons ke se estoyent party de nus en Atravaus.A1337 [A1337] Atravauns69 Il estoyent venuz par Tolouse ou lour mors e ou lour neefsN1338 [N1338] Cum mortuis suis et vulneratis quos lectulis et bigis . . . adduxerant (217 vii). Neefs seems more likely to be a corrupt reading of nafrés than to refer to the vehicles used for transporting the injured.69 pur fere lour sepulture en Aleschauns. E ilux aydaie a enfouer Estouz li quens de Langres, e Salemoun, e Sansoun ly dux dé Borgoynons, ErnaudA1341 [A1341] Ernaund69 de Belande, Aubri ly Burgonons, Esturmy, Hatoun,A1342a [A1342a] bacoun69 Terry,N1342a [N1342a] In including Tierry, who not only survived Roland but subsequently fought and beat Ganelon's champion Pinabel, amongst the dead of Roncevaux buried at Aliscamps, the translator is guilty merely of reproducing an incongruity of his Latin original (217 xiii).69 Yvoyre, Berauz de Nobles,A1342b [A1342b] Beraunz de Moles69 Berenger, NeymesA1342c [A1342c] nanles Nevmes69N1342b [N1342bnanles is a variant form of Naimes; see Langlois, op. cit., p. 477.69 de Bayvier, ou diz mile autres. Constantyn ly provost de Roume fu porté a Roume par meer [ou] mout des autres Romeynz, pur lesqueus aumes Charles dona a poveres douze mile ounces de argent e autretaunt besaunz en Aleschauns.

[XXX. De concilio quod ad Sanctum Dionisium Karolus fecit]

Aprés ço venymes nous a Vyenne,A1348 [A1348] a Avyenne69 Charles e jo Turpyn, e d'iluc s'en ala Charles a Parys, e jo remys pur mes playes. E si cum jo oy dire e ben le say, il assembla un councyle de ecwekes e de archevekes, barouns e princes a moun sey

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gour Seynt Dynys e rendy graces a Deux e a ly ky force ly avoyt doné de veyndre les Saracyns, e dona tote Fraunce a moun seygour Seynt Dynys en douare. E comaunda ke tuz les reys de Fraunce e les ewekes, ceus ke sount e ke a venyr sunt, fussent obeysaunt au pastour de la eglise, ne ke les roys ne fussent corounez sy par ly noun, ne ly ewekes ressuz ne ordené a Roumme ne dampné saunz ly. E si estably ke checun homme [f.297c] ke tenist mesuageN1359 [N1359] The distinction between u and n is consistently made in our MS., and the reading here is clearly mesuage. The word is an A.-N. variant of O.F. masuage property held on annual tenure (cf. T.-L. V 1243, and Godefroy V 197), and the source of the surviving Mod. Eng. legal term messuage. A certain legal experience on the part of the translator is no doubt to be deduced from his use of this term, as well as of such phrases as quites e frauns (375, 923, 1375), de fine dette (922-3), ou totes les apurtenauns (1325-6). In addition saluz e amistez (32), la devant dite cumpanye (285), les devaunt dis (433), lequels (487) and lesqueus (277, 1345) may show acquaintance with epistolary style.70 ly rendist quatre deneres checoun aan a refere la eglise, e meyntyntN1361 [N1361Meyntynt translating manumisit (219 xii) must originally have been meynmyst set free. Jehan reads relascha (LXX 15).70 ceus ke volenteres les donerent.

E enaprés ala jouste la fertre ou le coors seynt repose e pria mon seygour seynt Dynys ke il priast Deux pur touz ceus ke volenterys rendyrent les deneres e pur tous ceuz ke estoyent morz en Espayne pur ly. Ly seynz apparut la noyt a Charles e ly dist: N1366 [N1366] See note to l. 695 above.70'Dors tu?' 'Nenyl,' dist Charles. 'Ke estes vus?' 'Jo su Dynys, e sachet ben ke touz ceus ke par toy e par toun amonestement furent martyryé en Espayne e ke jamés i murrent, ount e averent pardoun de lour pechés, e touz ceus ke volenteres paerent e rendrent mes deneres averunt absolucioun de lour pechés'. L'endemeyn recounta Charles ces paroles a totes les genz, e il rendirent plus volenteres les deneris, e ceus ke plus volenterys paoyent estoyent appelé les Franks Seynt Dynis.N1374 [N1374] The Franks Seynt Dynis were those who, having made the annual payment of four nummi to Saint-Denis, were thereby exempt from all other taxes; cf. Meredith-Jones, op. cit, pp. 328-9, and Smyser, op. cit., p. 37n3.70 En tele manere estoytN1375 [N1375] The sing. verb estoyt, which logically needs to be pl., is no doubt a remnant of the corresponding sing. construction in the Latin: qui libentius reddebat Francus sancti Dionisii ubicumque vocabatur, quoniam liber ab omni servitute . . . erat (219 xxv). Cf. checoun homme avoyt ces droytures . . . e ses fesseyount confés a lour ewekes (1161-4) translating omnes pugnatores eucaristia et confessione . . . animas suas munirent (195 xvii).70 frank e quytes de totes coustomes, e pur ço fust appelé Fraunce FraunceN1376 [N1376] The second Fraunce was originally fraunk with k altered to h (?) and ce added.70 ke devaunt avoyt noun Gaulle,A1376 [A1376] Gaulle70 e pur ço fu Fraunce fraunche, kar ele ad seygurye sur totes teres par droyt.

Lors s'en party Charles de Parys e s'en ala droyt a la Chapele, e fist apparaler [e] par condust atemprer les baynz chauz e freys.N1380 [N1380] Balnea aqua calida et frigida temperata . . . paravit (221 vii).70 E si aourna ma dame Seynte Marye la Rounde, ke il fist, de oor e de argent, de payles e de touz aur[ne]mens ke coveney[un]t a la eglise, e fist peyndre en la eglise la veyle loy e la novele. En soun paleys [f.297d] fist peyndre les batayles ke il venqui en Espayne e les sees arz.

[XXXI. De septem artibus]

Gramarie i est peynte ke est mere de totes ars,N1386 [N1386] William's treatment of the Seven Liberal Arts is perfunctory and uninterested. The Latin illustrations are in general reduced to one or two uninspiring sentences, e.g. the 21-line description of Music (223 iv) is rendered in three lines (1392-4), the 13 lines on Geometry (225 vii) in three (1399-1401). In the description of Grammar, the translation of ditongen by the near homograph dictyouns is very imprecise, whilst the characterization of Dialectics (1395-6–quæ docet verum a falso discernere), if not a corrupt reading or an anti-scholastic parti-pris, is a complete misrepresentation. At the same time, the simplification and abbreviation of this chapter are to be viewed in the broader context of the translator's preoccupation with accommodating the Latin chronicle to the tastes of his audience.70 e enseygne kaunt des lettres sunt e queles, e ques sunt sylables e queus

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dictyouns. Par ceste art entendunt les clers se ke il diunt en seynte eglise. E si vus leset lessoun e vus ne le en[t]endez pleynerement, vus ne poét pas plus savoyr ke cyl seet ke tresor ad kaunt il ne a la cleef.

Musyke i est peynte ke enseyne a ben chaunter. Par ceste art feet l'em les beus servises en les eglises. Ceste art vint des aungeles Deux.

Dyaletike i est peynte ke enseyne a fere voyr de faus e faux de voyr.

Retorike i est peynte ke enseygne a ben parler, kar rethos gru, ço est enparlez en fraunsoys.

Geometrie i est peynte ke enseygne a mesurer les vaus e les mouns e la meer e les ewes, e si enseygne a saver kaund de peez il i a en un chaump e kaunt de bras en une cité.

Armetike i est depeynte ke parole dé noumbre [d]e totes choses. Cely ke la seet put ben saver kaund de peres il i a en uneA1404 [A1404] une71 tour, ou kaund de goutes il i a en un hanap pleyn de vyn e kaunt denerys en pleyne houche.

Astrologye i fu peynte. Par ceste poet ben sovoyr cely ke la seet ço ke est avenu ou ce ke est a vener, e de deus chaumpiouns lyquel veyndra.

Nygromancie i fu peynte.N1409 [N1409] All Latin texts, except that of the short, unembellished tradition (226 xii), state that Nigromancia . . . depictus non fuit (227 xvi); cf. however Jehan: chascune de cez .vii. arz a un livre estret de soi, dont Nigromance est uns (LXXVIII 11). The only other indication of a possible influence of variants from this particular MS. family on our translation is in the description of the number of the pagan troops at Roncevaux, where William adopts the reading of 42,000 men in two divisions of twenty and twenty-two thousand (1024), as distinct from the long family figure of 50,000 in divisions of twenty and thirty thousand each (cf. 180 xxv-182 iii and 181 xxvii-183 iii). In neither case, however, is the evidence for a significant textual contamination conclusive. A. de Mandach, on the other hand, who attempts to account for William's source strictly in terms of those MSS. which are still extant, maintains that isolated variants from this short, unembellished text as well as from other Latin and French versions were collated by the translator himself (Willem de Briane a bien travaillé pour reconstituer, ainsi qu'il le désirait, les faits et gestes de Charlemagne . . . selon les versions turpiniennes les plus diverses, ed. cit., p. 34). The small number of such variants, their generally insignificant character, and in particular their random distribution in our text clearly argue against such a theory. Whatever the virtues of the principle of Occam's razor, it would seem more plausible to postulate that a single Latin source of some composite version, embracing all the variant readings which subsequently appear in our text, came ready-made into the hands of the translator. For just as the large number of Latin Turpins which have come down to us implies the loss of many more, so it must be assumed that versions other than those classified by scholars could have existed.71 Ço ne [est] pas art, kar l'em ne put reyns fere saunz deble, e pur ço l'apele l'em art avoutre, kar nygremancye est destructyoun de alme. [f.298a]

[XXXII. De morte Karoli]

Aprés un poy de tens la moort Charles fu demoustré a moy Turpin en tele manere: si cum jo estoye un jour a Vyenne en la eglise en oreysouns vers nostre Seigour e jo use comensé ceste saume Deus in adiutorium meum, il me fust avys ke jo vy passer une cumpanye de noyr chivalers e s'en alouent par devaunt l'us du mouster en Lorenne.A1417 [A1417] lorenne inserted above lour regne71 E cum touz passoyent, jo vy un ke alout mout lentement e estoyt autresi noyrs com un Ethiopiens, e jo le dys: 'Ou alet vus?' Il me respoundy: 'Nous aloumys a Ays a la mort Charles pur aver la aume de ly e porter la en enfern'.A1421 [A1421] en en enfern71 'Jo te conjure', fi ge, 'ke kaunt tu averas fet toun eyrre,A1422 [A1422] fet toun eyrre inserted above venu arere71N1422 [N1422] The interlinear correction fet toun eyrre is certainly closer to the Latin perhacto itinere (229 xviii) than the original venu arere.71 ke tu

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revynes a moy'.N1423 [N1423] . . . ad me reverti non rennuas. Tunc modicum commorati [dæmones], vix expleto psalmo, eodem ordine ad me redierunt (229 xix). William's treatment of the Latin here is echoed in Jehan: il s'esvanoi de moi, et je Torpins remés (LXXX 13).72 Il s'en party e jo remys, si comensay ma saume la ou jo l'avoy lessé. E kaunt jo l'avoy finy, il revindrent arere en ordre si cum il estoyent alez, e ly dreyns me dist: N1426 [N1426] See note to l. 695 above.72'Ke voys tu?' 'Jo voyl ke tu me dys qe vus avet feet'. Il me respondi: 'Tot awom perdu'. Jo ly dys: 'Coment?' 'Jo le te diray', fist il. 'Uns GaliciensA1428 [A1428] Galinceus72 saun teste mist en balaunce taunt de peyres e taunt de merin de eglices ke ly bens peyserent plus ke les maus, e pur ço nous ad il toleyt la aume Charles'. E kaunt il out ço dist, il s'envany de moy.

En tele manere me fu moustré ke Charles estoyt mort ço jour meyme e ke il ert sauf par la priere seynt Jake. E jo le avoy prié kaunt jo departy de ly a Vyenne ke, si ly plust, ke il moy enveyast un messager devaunt sa mort si il s'en sentystA1437 [A1437] sentyst72 malement. E il, kaunt [f.298b] il fu malades, se remembra e dist a un soun chivalers ke il avoyt nury ke, kaunt il seroyt moort, ke il la me maundast. E aprés quinse jourz le savoyeA1440 [A1440] savoye72 par le message meme ke ly enymys me avoyt voyr dist. E me dist ke il ne fust unkes pus ben sayn ke il vint de Espayne, e jo le cru ben. E me dist ke il avoyt doné a poveres a la aniversarye Rollant dis mile unces de argent e autretaunz de besaunz de oor e autretaunt de sauteres e autretaunt de messes chaunter e autretaunt de vigiliis. E il fu mys mout honurablement en sepucre eu mouster Seinte Marie la Rounde en la quinte kalend de feveryr le aan de la incarnacioun nostre Syre owt .c. e quatorze aunz.

Ore vus diray les signes ke avindrunt devaunt sa mort: ly soleil e la lune furunt .viii. jours tot noyrz, ly porche ke estoyt countre soun paleys e la eglise cheytA1451 [A1451] cheynt72 par ly meymes,N1451 [N1451] Porticus . . . per semetipsum cecidit (233 xii). William omits all mention of the disappearance of Charlemagne's name from the wall of the church at Aix (233 x), and neglects to state that the destruction of the wooden bridge over the Rhine was due to fire. The Grandes Chroniques also read simply chai et fondi (p. 95).72 un pount de fust ke il avoy feet a Maence chay par ly meyme e fendy. E cum il memes Charles alast de un lu dekes a un autre, le jour devynt tot noyrs e une graunt flaumme vint de destre e s'en passaA1455 [A1455] len passa72 a senestre droyt par devaunt soun vys. Il out moun graunt poour e chay jus de soun chival; les chivalers le releverent.

Ore creoum nus been e sawom ke il est parsoner du regne Deux. En ceste esaumple poét entendre e aperçoyver

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ke cely ke feet eglises se appareyle le regne Deux, kar [f.298c] Charles en fu sauf.

[XXXIII. De miraculo apud urbem Granopolim]

Ben dewom recounter un miracle ke Deux fist pur Rollant ançoys ke il alast en Espayne. Il avynt ke Rollant assist Graynople, une cité pleyne de Sarazyns, e il assist seet aaunz; unkes prendre [ne] la pout. E si cumme il seyt ancore, un messager vint a ly e ly dist: 'Beus sire, vostre uncles est assis en uneA1467a [A1467a] une9999 tour en la countré de VarmoyseA1467b [A1467b] Narmoyse9999 de troys roys sarazyns e ne se put ayser'.

Lors fu mou dolent ly bones nevus au bon uncle e ne sout ke il feyt; ou il lessast la cité ke il avoyt assys seet aunz, ou il alast en socure soun uncle. Il fu mout angwyssous e juna troys jurs e troys nous, ne ne manja ne ne boust ne ne dormy, ançois priout nostre Seygour e dysout: 'Beus Sire Deux JesuA1474 [A1474] Deux Jesu9999 Crist le Fiz Deux le Pere Altisme, ke dyvysas la Mer Rouge en dyvysiouns e par my menas tot le puple de Israel, ke deliveras Susanne de les faus prestres, e garises Jonas eu ventre cel peysoun, beux Sire, destreyn la pousté de ceste cité ke la gent paene, ke taunt ce fient en lour ferté, te connoyssent ke tu es Sire e Roy Omnypotent, ke ne us comencement ne ja ne averas fyn'. E kaunt il out feet cele priere les troys jurs, au quart cheirent les mursN1481 [N1481] Facta hac prece, tercia die . . . lapsis undique muris (239 iv).9999 e la tourN1482 [N1482] The inclusion of e la tour here, with no counterpart in the Latin (239 v), seems to suggest a confusion on the part of the translator with the tower at Worms in which Charlemagne was reported to be besieged (1467).9999 de totes pars. Rollant entra en la cité e la prist e occyst touz les Sarazyns. E tantost se fuist ou ces oosz, e vint la ou soun unkle estoyt assys e le delivera, [f.298d] la merci Damnedeux.

                   E vus, sire deen, ke ço livere lirret,
                   Pur Turpyn le archeveske vus pri ke vus orret
                   Ke il en eyt mercy e ly envoyt saunté.
                   E sachet ke kaun ke jo ay dist est verité,
                   Kar a tesmoyne en tray Deux, ke nous ad creyez.

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